one Holy Church

   The Catholic Church and the Catholic religion together represent the oldest and most enduring of all Portuguese institutions. Because its origins as an institution go back at least to the middle of the third century, if not earlier, the Christian and later the Catholic Church is much older than any other Portuguese institution or major cultural influence, including the monarchy (lasting 770 years) or Islam (540 years). Indeed, it is older than Portugal (869 years) itself. The Church, despite its changing doctrine and form, dates to the period when Roman Lusitania was Christianized.

   In its earlier period, the Church played an important role in the creation of an independent Portuguese monarchy, as well as in the colonization and settlement of various regions of the shifting Christian-Muslim frontier as it moved south. Until the rise of absolutist monarchy and central government, the Church dominated all public and private life and provided the only education available, along with the only hospitals and charity institutions. During the Middle Ages and the early stage of the overseas empire, the Church accumulated a great deal of wealth. One historian suggests that, by 1700, one-third of the land in Portugal was owned by the Church. Besides land, Catholic institutions possessed a large number of chapels, churches and cathedrals, capital, and other property.

   Extensive periods of Portuguese history witnessed either conflict or cooperation between the Church as the monarchy increasingly sought to gain direct control of the realm. The monarchy challenged the great power and wealth of the Church, especially after the acquisition of the first overseas empire (1415-1580). When King João III requested the pope to allow Portugal to establish the Inquisition (Holy Office) in the country and the request was finally granted in 1531, royal power, more than religion was the chief concern. The Inquisition acted as a judicial arm of the Catholic Church in order to root out heresies, primarily Judaism and Islam, and later Protestantism. But the Inquisition became an instrument used by the crown to strengthen its power and jurisdiction.

   The Church's power and prestige in governance came under direct attack for the first time under the Marquis of Pombal (1750-77) when, as the king's prime minister, he placed regalism above the Church's interests. In 1759, the Jesuits were expelled from Portugal, although they were allowed to return after Pombal left office. Pombal also harnessed the Inquisition and put in place other anticlerical measures. With the rise of liberalism and the efforts to secularize Portugal after 1820, considerable Church-state conflict occurred. The new liberal state weakened the power and position of the Church in various ways: in 1834, all religious orders were suppressed and their property confiscated both in Portugal and in the empire and, in the 1830s and 1840s, agrarian reform programs confiscated and sold large portions of Church lands. By the 1850s, Church-state relations had improved, various religious orders were allowed to return, and the Church's influence was largely restored. By the late 19th century, Church and state were closely allied again. Church roles in all levels of education were pervasive, and there was a popular Catholic revival under way.

   With the rise of republicanism and the early years of the First Republic, especially from 1910 to 1917, Church-state relations reached a new low. A major tenet of republicanism was anticlericalism and the belief that the Church was as much to blame as the monarchy for the backwardness of Portuguese society. The provisional republican government's 1911 Law of Separation decreed the secularization of public life on a scale unknown in Portugal. Among the new measures that Catholics and the Church opposed were legalization of divorce, appropriation of all Church property by the state, abolition of religious oaths for various posts, suppression of the theology school at Coimbra University, abolition of saints' days as public holidays, abolition of nunneries and expulsion of the Jesuits, closing of seminaries, secularization of all public education, and banning of religious courses in schools.

   After considerable civil strife over the religious question under the republic, President Sidónio Pais restored normal relations with the Holy See and made concessions to the Portuguese Church. Encouraged by the apparitions at Fátima between May and October 1917, which caused a great sensation among the rural people, a strong Catholic reaction to anticlericalism ensued. Backed by various new Catholic organizations such as the "Catholic Youth" and the Academic Center of Christian Democracy (CADC), the Catholic revival influenced government and politics under the Estado Novo. Prime Minister Antônio de Oliveira Salazar was not only a devout Catholic and member of the CADC, but his formative years included nine years in the Viseu Catholic Seminary preparing to be a priest. Under the Estado Novo, Church-state relations greatly improved, and Catholic interests were protected. On the other hand, Salazar's no-risk statism never went so far as to restore to the Church all that had been lost in the 1911 Law of Separation. Most Church property was never returned from state ownership and, while the Church played an important role in public education to 1974, it never recovered the influence in education it had enjoyed before 1911.

   Today, the majority of Portuguese proclaim themselves Catholic, and the enduring nature of the Church as an institution seems apparent everywhere in the country. But there is no longer a monolithic Catholic faith; there is growing diversity of religious choice in the population, which includes an increasing number of Protestant Portuguese as well as a small but growing number of Muslims from the former Portuguese empire. The Muslim community of greater Lisbon erected a Mosque which, ironically, is located near the Spanish Embassy. In the 1990s, Portugal's Catholic Church as an institution appeared to be experiencing a revival of influence. While Church attendance remained low, several Church institutions retained an importance in society that went beyond the walls of the thousands of churches: a popular, flourishing Catholic University; Radio Re-nascenca, the country's most listened to radio station; and a new private television channel owned by the Church. At an international conference in Lisbon in September 2000, the Cardinal Patriarch of Portugal, Dom José Policarpo, formally apologized to the Jewish community of Portugal for the actions of the Inquisition. At the deliberately selected location, the place where that religious institution once held its hearings and trials, Dom Policarpo read a declaration of Catholic guilt and repentance and symbolically embraced three rabbis, apologizing for acts of violence, pressures to convert, suspicions, and denunciation.

1 saint, saintly man.

2 tip.

3 Santo.

* * *

► adjetivo

1 (gen) holy, sacred

■ Padre Santo Holy Father

2 (persona) holy, saintly

3 familiar (para enfatizar) hell of a, real, right

■ recibió una santa bofetada he got a hell of a whack, he got a right whack

■ todo el santo día the whole day long

4 (como título) saint

■ Santo Tomás Saint Thomas

■ Santa Elena Saint Helen

► nombre masculino,nombre femenino

1 saint

► nombre masculino santo

1 (imagen) image of a saint

2 familiar (dibujo) picture

3 (onomástica) saint's day

\

¿a santo de qué? familiar why on earth?

desnudar a un santo para vestir a otro figurado to rob Peter to pay Paul

hacer su santa voluntad to do as one damn well pleases

írsele a uno el santo al cielo familiar to slip one's mind

llegar y besar el santo familiar as easy as pie, a piece of cake

■ se cree que es llegar y besar el santo she thinks it'll be a piece of cake

no es santo de mi devoción familiar I'm not too fond of him, he's not my cup of tea

¡por todos los santos! familiar for heaven's sake!

quedarse para vestir santos familiar to be left on the shelf

el día de Todos los Santos All Saints' Day

Santo Oficio Holy Office

santo y seña password

un santo varón a saint of a man Table 1 NOTA See also san/Table 1

► nombre masculino

1 (imagen) image of a saint

2 familiar (dibujo) picture

3 (onomástica) saint's day

* * *

πνεῦμα, ατος, τό (πνέω; Aeschyl., Pre-Socr., Hdt.+. On the history of the word s. Rtzst., Mysterienrel.³ 308ff).

① air in movement, blowing, breathing (even the glowing exhalations of a volcanic crater: Diod S 5, 7, 3)

ⓐ wind (Aeschyl. et al.; LXX, EpArist, Philo; Jos., Ant. 2, 343; 349; SibOr 8, 297) in wordplay τὸ πνεῦμα πνεῖ the wind blows J 3:8a (EpJer 60 πνεῦμα ἐν πάσῃ χώρᾳ πνεῖ. But s. TDonn, ET 66, ’54f, 32; JThomas, Restoration Qtrly 24, ’81, 219–24). ὀθόνη πλοίου ὑπὸ πνεύματος πληρουμένη MPol 15:2. Of God ὁ ποιῶν τοὺς ἀγγέλους αὐτοῦ πνεύματα who makes his angels winds Hb 1:7; 1 Cl 36:3 (both Ps 103:4).

ⓑ the breathing out of air, blowing, breath (Aeschyl. et al.; Pla., Tim. 79b; LXX) ὁ ἄνομος, ὅν ὁ κύριος Ἰησοῦς ἀνελεῖ τῷ πνεύματι τοῦ στόματος αὐτοῦ 2 Th 2:8 (cp. Is 11:4; Ps 32:6).

② that which animates or gives life to the body, breath, (life-)spirit (Aeschyl. et al.; Phoenix of Colophon 1, 16 [Coll. Alex. p. 231] πν.=a breathing entity [in contrast to becoming earth in death]; Polyb. 31, 10, 4; Ps.-Aristot., De Mundo 4 p. 394b, 8ff; PHib 5, 54 [III B.C.]; PGM 4, 538; 658; 2499; LXX; TestAbr A 17 p. 98, 19 [Stone p. 44] al.; JosAs 19:3; SibOr 4, 46; Tat. 4:2) ἀφιέναι τὸ πνεῦμα give up one’s spirit, breathe one’s last (Eur., Hec. 571; Porphyr., Vi. Plotini 2) Mt 27:50. J says for this παραδιδόναι τὸ πν. 19:3 (cp. ApcMos 31 ἀποδῶ τὸ πν.; Just., D. 105, 5). Of the return of the (life-)spirit of a deceased person into her dead body ἐπέστρεψεν τὸ πν. αὐτῆς Lk 8:55 (cp. Jdg 15:19). εἰς χεῖράς σου παρατίθεμαι τὸ πν. μου into your hands I entrust my spirit 23:46 (Ps 30:6; for alleged focus on ἐλπίζειν s. EBons, BZ 38, ’94, 93–101). κύριε Ἰησοῦ, δέξαι τὸ πνεῦμά μου Ac 7:59; composite of both passages AcPl Ha 10, 23 (cp. ApcMos 42). τὸ πν. μου ὁ δεσπότης δέξεται GJs 23:3 (on the pneuma flying upward after death cp. Epicharm. in Vorsokrat. 23 [=13, 4th ed.], B 9 and 22; Eur., Suppl. 533 πνεῦμα μὲν πρὸς αἰθέρα, τὸ σῶμα δʼ ἐς γῆν; PGM 1, 177ff τελευτήσαντός σου τὸ σῶμα περιστελεῖ, σοῦ δὲ τὸ πνεῦμα … εἰς ἀέρα ἄξει σὺν αὑτῷ ‘when you are dead [the angel] will wrap your body … and take your spirit with him into the sky’). τὸ σῶμα χωρὶς πν. νεκρόν ἐστιν Js 2:26. πν. ζωῆς ἐκ τ. θεοῦ εἰσῆλθεν ἐν αὐτοῖς (i.e. the prophet-witnesses who have been martyred) Rv 11:11 (cp. Ezk 37:10 v.l. εἰσῆλθεν εἰς αὐτοὺς πνεῦμα ζωῆς; vs. 5). Of the spirit that animated the image of a beast, and enabled it to speak and to have Christians put to death 13:15.—After a person’s death, the πν. lives on as an independent being, in heaven πνεύματα δικαὶων τετελειωμένων Hb 12:23 (cp. Da 3:86 εὐλογεῖτε, πνεύματα καὶ ψυχαὶ δικαίων, τὸν κύριον). According to non-biblical sources, the πν. are in the netherworld (cp. En 22:3–13; Sib Or 7, 127) or in the air (PGM 1, 178), where evil spirits can prevent them from ascending higher (s. ἀήρ2b). τοῖς ἐν φυλακῇ πνεύμασιν πορευθεὶς ἐκήρυξεν 1 Pt 3:19 belongs here if it refers to Jesus’ preaching to the spirits of the dead confined in Hades (so Usteri et al.; s. also JMcCulloch, The Harrowing of Hell, 1930), whether it be when he descended into Hades, or when he returned to heaven (so RBultmann, Bekenntnis u. Liedfragmente im 1 Pt: ConNeot11, ’47, 1–14).—CClemen, Niedergefahren zu den Toten 1900; JTurmel, La Descente du Christ aux enfers 1905; JMonnier, La Descente aux enfers 1906; HHoltzmann, ARW 11, 1908, 285–97; KGschwind, Die Niederfahrt Christi in die Unterwelt 1911; DPlooij, De Descensus in 1 Pt 3:19 en 4:6: TT 47, 1913, 145–62; JBernard, The Descent into Hades a Christian Baptism (on 1 Pt 3:19ff): Exp. 8th ser., 11, 1916, 241–74; CSchmidt, Gespräche Jesu mit seinen Jüngern: TU 43, 1919, 452ff; JFrings, BZ 17, 1926, 75–88; JKroll, Gott u. Hölle ’32; RGanschinietz, Katabasis: Pauly-W. X/2, 1919, 2359–449; Clemen² 89–96; WBieder, Die Vorstellung v. d. Höllenfahrt Jesu Chr. ’49; SJohnson, JBL 79, ’60, 48–51; WDalton, Christ’s Proclamation to the Spirits ’65. S. also the lit. in Windisch, Hdb.² 1930, exc. on 1 Pt 3:20; ESelwyn, The First Ep. of St. Peter ’46 and 4c below.—This is prob. also the place for θανατωθεὶς μὲν σαρκὶ ζωοποιηθεὶς δὲ πνεύματι• ἐν ᾧ καὶ … 1 Pt 3:18f (some mss. read πνεύματι instead of πνεύμασιν in vs. 19, evidently in ref. to the manner of Jesus’ movement; πνεῦμα is that part of Christ which, in contrast to σάρξ, did not pass away in death, but survived as an individual entity after death; s. ἐν 7). Likew. the contrast κατὰ σάρκα … κατὰ πνεῦμα Ro 1:3f. Cp. 1 Ti 3:16.

③ a part of human personality, spirit

ⓐ when used with σάρξ, the flesh, it denotes the immaterial part 2 Cor 7:1; Col 2:5. Flesh and spirit=the whole personality, in its outer and inner aspects, oft. in Ign.: IMg 1:2; 13:1a; ITr ins; 12:1; IRo ins; ISm 1:1; IPol 5:1; AcPl Ant 13, 18 (=Aa I 237, 3).—In the same sense beside σῶμα, the body (Simplicius, In Epict. p. 50, 1; Ps.-Phoc. 106f; PGM 1, 178) 1 Cor 5:3–5; 7:34.—The inner life of humans is divided into ψυχὴ καὶ πνεῦμα (cp. Ps.-Pla., Axioch. 10 p. 370c τὶ θεῖον ὄντως ἐνῆν πνεῦμα τῇ ψυχῇ=a divine spirit was actually in the soul; Wsd 15:11; Jos., Ant. 1, 34; Tat. 13, 2; 15, 1 et al.; Ath. 27, 1. S. also Herm. Wr. 10, 13; 16f; PGM 4, 627; 630. ἐκ τριῶν συνεστάναι λέγουσι τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἐκ ψυχῆς καὶ σώματος καὶ πνεύματος Did., Gen. 55, 14) Hb 4:12. Cp. Phil 1:27. τὸ πνεῦμα καὶ ἡ ψυχὴ καὶ τὸ σῶμα 1 Th 5:23 (s. GMilligan, Thess. 1908, 78f; EvDobschütz in Meyer X⁷ 1909, 230ff; EBurton, Spirit, Soul, and Flesh 1918; AFestugière, La Trichotomie des 1 Th 5:23 et la Philos. gr.: RSR 20, 1930, 385–415; CMasson, RTP 33, ’45, 97–102; FGrant, An Introd. to NT Thought ’50, 161–66). σαρκί, ψυχῇ, πνεύματι IPhld 11:2.

ⓑ as the source and seat of insight, feeling, and will, gener. as the representative part of human inner life (cp. PGM 4, 627; 3 Km 20:5; Sir 9:9 al.; Just., D. 30, 1; Did., Gen. 232, 5) ἐπιγνοὺς ὁ Ἰησοῦς τῷ πν. αὐτοῦ Mk 2:8. ἀναστενάξας τῷ πν. αὐτοῦ λέγει 8:12 (s. ἀναστενάζω). ἠγαλλίασεν τὸ πν. μου Lk 1:47 (in parallelism w. ψυχή vs. 46, as Sir 9:9). ἠγαλλιάσατο τῷ πν. 10:21 v.l., Ἰησοῦς ἐνεβριμήσατο τῷ πν. J 11:33 (s. ἐμβριμάομαι 3); Ἰης. ἐταράχθη τῷ πν. 13:21. παρωξύνετο τὸ πν. αὐτοῦ ἐν αὐτῷ Ac 17:16; ζέων τῷ πν. with spirit-fervor 18:25 (s. ζέω). τὸ παιδίον ἐκραταιοῦτο πνεύματι Lk 1:80; 2:40 v.l.; ἔθετο ὁ Παῦλος ἐν τῷ πν. Paul made up his mind Ac 19:21 (some would put this pass. in 6c, but cp. Lk 1:66 and analogous formulations Hom. et al. in L-S-J-M s.v. τίθημι A6). προσκυνήσουσιν τῷ πατρὶ ἐν πνεύματι of the spiritual, i.e. the pure, inner worship of God, that has nothing to do w. holy times, places, appurtenances, or ceremonies J 4:23; cp. vs. 24b. πν. συντετριμμένον (Ps 50:19) 1 Cl 18:17; 52:4.—2 Cl 20:4; Hv 3, 12, 2; 3, 13, 2.—This usage is also found in Paul. His conviction (s. 5 below) that the Christian possesses the (divine) πνεῦμα and thus is different fr. all other people, leads him to choose this word in preference to others, in order to characterize a believer’s inner being gener. ᾧ λατρεύω ἐν τῷ πν. μου Ro 1:9. οὐκ ἔσχηκα ἄνεσιν τῷ πν. μου 2 Cor 2:13. Cp. 7:13. As a matter of fact, it can mean simply a person’s very self or ego: τὸ πνεῦμα συμμαρτυρεῖ τῷ πνεύματι ἡμῶν the Spirit (of God) bears witness to our very self Ro 8:16 (cp. PGM 12, 327 ἠκούσθη μου τὸ πνεῦμα ὑπὸ πνεύματος οὐρανοῦ). ἀνέπαυσαν τὸ ἐμὸν πν. καὶ τὸ ὑμῶν they have refreshed both me and you 1 Cor 16:18. ἡ χάρις τοῦ κυρίου ἡμῶν Ἰ. Χρ. μετά τοῦ πν. (ὑμῶν) Gal 6:18; Phil 4:23; Phlm 25. Cp. 2 Ti 4:22. Likew. in Ign. τὸ ἐμὸν πν. my (unworthy) self IEph 18:1; IRo 9:3; cp. 1 Cor 2:11a—On the relation of the divine Spirit to the believer’s spiritual self, s. SWollenweider, Der Geist Gottes als Selbst der Glaubenden: ZTK 93, ’96, 163–92.—Only a part of the inner life, i.e. that which concerns the will, is meant in τὸ μὲν πνεῦμα πρόθυμον, ἡ δὲ σὰρξ ἀσθενής Mt 26:41; Mk 14:38; Pol 7:2. That which is inferior, anxiety, fear of suffering, etc. is attributed to the σάρξ.—The mng. of the expr. οἱ πτωχοὶ τῷ πνεύματι Mt 5:3 is difficult to determine w. certainty (cp. Pla., Ep. 7, 335a πένης ἀνὴρ τὴν ψυχήν. The dat. as τῇ ψυχῇ M. Ant. 6, 52; 8, 51). The sense is prob. those who are poor in their inner life, because they do not have a misdirected pride in their own spiritual riches (s. AKlöpper, Über den Sinn u. die ursprgl. Form der ersten Seligpreisung der Bergpredigt bei Mt: ZWT 37, 1894, 175–91; RKabisch, Die erste Seligpreisung: StKr 69, 1896, 195–215; KKöhler, Die ursprgl. Form der Seligpreisungen: StKr 91, 1918, 157–92; JBoehmer, De Schatkamer 17, 1923, 11–16, TT [Copenhagen] 4, 1924, 195–207, JBL 45, 1926, 298–304; WMacgregor, ET 39, 1928, 293–97; VMacchioro, JR 12, ’32, 40–49; EEvans, Theology 47, ’44, 55–60; HLeisegang, Pneuma Hagion 1922, 134ff; Betz, SM 116 n. 178 for Qumran reff.).

ⓒ spiritual state, state of mind, disposition ἐν ἀγάπῃ πνεύματί τε πραΰτητος with love and a gentle spirit 1 Cor 4:21; cp. Gal 6:1. τὸ πν. τοῦ νοὸς ὑμῶν Eph 4:23 (s. νοῦς 2a). ἐν τῷ ἀφθάρτῳ τοῦ ἡσυχίου πνεύματος with the imperishable (gift) of a quiet disposition 1 Pt 3:4.

④ an independent noncorporeal being, in contrast to a being that can be perceived by the physical senses, spirit (ELangton, Good and Evil Spirits ’42).

ⓐ God personally: πνεῦμα ὁ θεός J 4:24a (Ath. 16, 2; on God as a spirit, esp. in the Stoa, s. MPohlenz, D. Stoa ’48/49. Hdb. ad loc. Also Celsus 6, 71 [Stoic]; Herm. Wr. 18, 3 ἀκάματον μέν ἐστι πνεῦμα ὁ θεός).

ⓑ good, or at least not expressly evil spirits or spirit-beings (cp. CIG III, 5858b δαίμονες καὶ πνεύματα; Proclus on Pla., Cratyl. p. 69, 6; 12 Pasqu.; En 15:4; 6; 8; 10; TestAbr A 4 p. 81, 15f [Stone p. 10, 15f] πάντα τὰ ἐπουράνια πνεύματα; TestAbr B 13 p. 117, 26 [Stone p. 82] ὑψηλὸν πν.; PGM 3, 8 ἐπικαλοῦμαί σε, ἱερὸν πνεῦμα; 4, 1448; 3080; 12, 249) πνεῦμα w. ἄγγελος (cp. Jos., Ant. 4, 108; Ps.-Clem., Hom. 3, 33; 8, 12) Ac 23:8f. God is ὁ παντὸς πνεύματος κτίστης καὶ ἐπίσκοπος 1 Cl 59:3b.—Pl., God the μόνος εὐεργέτης πνεύματων 1 Cl 59:3a. Cp. 64 (s. on this Num 16:22; 27:16. Prayers for vengeance fr. Rheneia [Dssm., LO 351–55=LAE 423ff=SIG 1181, 2] τὸν θεὸν τὸν κύριον τῶν πνευμάτων; PGM 5, 467 θεὸς θεῶν, ὁ κύριος τῶν πν.; sim. the magic pap PWarr 21, 24; 26 [III A.D.]); the πατὴρ τῶν πνευμάτων Hb 12:9. Intermediary beings (in polytheistic terminology: δαίμονες) that serve God are called λειτουργικὰ πνεύματα Hb 1:14. In Rv we read of the ἑπτὰ πνεύματα (τοῦ θεοῦ) 1:4; 3:1; 4:5; 5:6; s. ASkrinjar, Biblica 16, ’35, 1–24; 113–40.— Ghost Lk 24:37, 39.

ⓒ evil spirits (PGM 13, 798; 36, 160; TestJob 27, 2; ApcSed [both Satan]; AscIs 3:28; Just., D. 39, 6 al.; Ath. 25, 3), esp. in accounts of healing in the Synoptics: (τὸ) πνεῦμα (τὸ) ἀκάθαρτον (Just., D. 82, 3) Mt 12:43; Mk 1:23, 26; 3:30; 5:2, 8; 7:25; 9:25a; Lk 8:29; 9:42; 11:24; Rv 18:2. Pl. (TestBenj 5:2) Mt 10:1; Mk 1:27; 3:11; 5:13; 6:7; Lk 4:36; 6:18; Ac 5:16; 8:7; Rv 16:13; ending of Mk in the Freer ms.—τὸ πν. τὸ πονηρόν Ac 19:15f. Pl. (En 99:7; TestSim 4:9; 6:6, TestJud 16:1; Just., D. 76, 6) Lk 7:21; 8:2; Ac 19:12f.—πν. ἄλαλον Mk 9:17; cp. vs. 25b (s. ἄλαλος). πν. πύθων Ac 16:16 (s. πύθων). πν. ἀσθενείας Lk 13:11. Cp. 1 Ti 4:1b. πνεῦμα δαιμονίου ἀκαθάρτου (s. δαιμόνιον 2) Lk 4:33. πνεύματα δαιμονίων Rv 16:14 (in effect = personified ‘exhalations’ of evil powers; for the combination of πν. and δαιμ. cp. the love spell Sb 4324, 16f τὰ πνεύματα τῶν δαιμόνων τούτων).—Abs. of a harmful spirit Mk 9:20; Lk 9:39; Ac 16:18. Pl. Mt 8:16; 12:45; Lk 10:20; 11:26.—1 Pt 3:19 (s. 2 above) belongs here if the πνεύματα refer to hostile spirit-powers, evil spirits, fallen angels (so FSpitta, Christi Predigt an die Geister 1890; HGunkel, Zum religionsgesch. Verständnis des NT 1903, 72f; WBousset, ZNW 19, 1920, 50–66; Rtzst., Herr der Grösse 1919, 25ff; Knopf, Windisch, FHauck ad loc.; BReicke, The Disobedient Spirits and Christian Baptism ’46, esp. 54–56, 69).—Hermas also has the concept of evil spirits that lead an independent existence, and live and reign within the inner life of a pers.; the Holy Spirit, who also lives or would like to live there, is forced out by them (cp. TestDan 4) Hm 5, 1, 2–4; 5, 2, 5–8; 10, 1, 2. τὸ πν. τὸ ἅγιον … ἕτερον πονηρὸν πν. 5, 1, 2. These πνεύματα are ὀξυχολία 5, 1, 3; 5, 2, 8 (τὸ πονηρότατον πν.); 10, 1, 2; διψυχία 9:11 (ἐπίγειον πν. ἐστι παρὰ τοῦ διαβόλου); 10, 1, 2; λύπη 10, 1, 2 (πάντων τῶν πνευμάτων πονηροτέρα) and other vices. On the complicated pneuma-concept of the Mandates of Hermas s. MDibelius, Hdb. exc. on Hm 5, 2, 7; cp. Leutzsch, Hermas 453f n. 133.

⑤ God’s being as controlling influence, with focus on association with humans, Spirit, spirit as that which differentiates God fr. everything that is not God, as the divine power that produces all divine existence, as the divine element in which all divine life is carried on, as the bearer of every application of the divine will. All those who belong to God possess or receive this spirit and hence have a share in God’s life. This spirit also serves to distinguish Christians fr. all unbelievers (cp. PGM 4, 1121ff, where the spirit is greeted as one who enters devotees and, in accordance w. God’s will, separates them fr. themselves, i.e. fr. the purely human part of their nature); for this latter aspect s. esp. 6 below.

ⓐ the Spirit of God, of the Lord (=God) etc. (LXX; TestSim 4:4; JosAs 8:11; ApcSed 14:6; 15:6; ApcMos 43; SibOr 3, 701; Ps.-Phoc. 106; Philo; Joseph. [s. c below]; apolog. Cp. Plut., Numa 4, 6 πνεῦμα θεοῦ, capable of begetting children; s. παρθένος a) τὸ πν. τοῦ θεοῦ 1 Cor 2:11b, 14; 3:16; 6:11; 1J 4:2a (Just., D. 49, 3; Tat. 13, 3; Ath. 22, 3). τὸ τοῦ θεοῦ πν. 1 Pt 4:14 (Just., A I, 60, 6). τὸ πν. τὸ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ 1 Cor 2:12b. τὸ πν. κυρίου Ac 5:9; B 6:14; B 9:2 (cp. Mel., P. 32, 222). τὸ πνεῦμά μου or αὐτοῦ: Mt 12:18 (Is 42:1); Ac 2:17f (Jo 3:1f.—Cp. 1QS 4:21); 1 Cor 2:10a v.l.; Eph 3:16; 1 Th 4:8 (where τὸ ἅγιον is added); 1J 4:13.—τὸ πν. τοῦ πατρὸς ὑμῶν Mt 10:20. τὸ πν. τοῦ ἐγείραντος τὸν Ἰησοῦν Ro 8:11a.—Without the art. πν. θεοῦ (JosAs 4:9; Tat. 15:3; Theoph. Ant. 1, 5 [p. 66, 18]) the Spirit of God Mt 3:16; 12:28; Ro 8:9b, 14, 19; 1 Cor 7:40; 12:3a; 2 Cor 3:3 (πν. θεοῦ ζῶντος); Phil 3:3. πν. κυρίου Lk 4:18 (Is 61:1); Ac 8:39 (like J 3:8; 20:22; Ac 2:4, this pass. belongs on the borderline betw. the mngs. ‘wind’ and ‘spirit’; cp. Diod S 3, 60, 3 Ἕσπερον ἐξαίφνης ὑπὸ πνευμάτων συναρπαγέντα μεγάλων ἄφαντον γενέσθαι ‘Hesperus [a son of Atlas] was suddenly snatched by strong winds and vanished fr. sight’. S. HLeisegang, Der Hl. Geist I 1, 1919, 19ff; OCullmann, TZ. 4, ’48, 364); 1 Cl 21:2.

ⓑ the Spirit of Christ, of the Lord (=Christ) etc. τὸ πν. Ἰησοῦ Ac 16:7. τὸ πν. Χριστοῦ AcPlCor 2:32. τὸ ἐν αὐτοῖς πν. Χριστοῦ 1 Pt 1:11. πν. Χριστοῦ Ro 8:9c. πν. τοῦ Χριστοῦ AcPl Ha 8, 18. ἀπὸ τοῦ πν. τοῦ χριστοῦ AcPlCor 2:10. τὸ πν. Ἰης. Χριστοῦ Phil 1:19. τὸ πν. κυρίου 2 Cor 3:17b (JHermann, Kyrios und Pneuma, ’61). τὸ πν. τοῦ υἱοῦ αὐτοῦ (=θεοῦ) Gal 4:6. As possessor of the divine Spirit, and at the same time controlling its distribution among humans, Christ is called κύριος πνεύματος Lord of the Spirit 2 Cor 3:18 (s. Windisch ad loc.); but many prefer to transl. from the Lord who is the Spirit.—CMoule, OCullmann Festschr., ’72, 231–37.

ⓒ Because of its heavenly origin and nature this Spirit is called (the) Holy Spirit (cp. PGM 4, 510 ἵνα πνεύσῃ ἐν ἐμοὶ τὸ ἱερὸν πνεῦμα.—Neither Philo nor Josephus called the Spirit πν. ἅγιον; the former used θεῖον or θεοῦ πν., the latter πν. θεῖον: Ant. 4, 118; 8, 408; 10, 239; but ἅγιον πνεῦμα Orig. C. Cels 1, 40, 16).

α. w. the art. τὸ πνεῦμα τὸ ἅγιον (Is 63:10f; Ps 50:13; 142:10 v.l.; cp. Sus 45 Theod.; TestAbr A 4 p. 81, 10 [Stone p. 10]; JosAs 8:11 [codd. ADE]; AscIs 3, 15, 26; Just., D. 36, 6 al.) Mt 12:32 = Mk 3:29 = Lk 12:10 (τὸ ἅγιον πνεῦμα; on the ‘sin against the Holy Spirit’ s. HLeisegang, Pneuma Hagion 1922, 96–112; AFridrichsen, Le péché contre le Saint-Esprit: RHPR 3, 1923, 367–72). Mk 12:36; 13:11; Lk 2:26; 3:22; 10:21; J 14:26; Ac 1:16; 2:33; 5:3, 32; 7:51; 8:18 v.l.; 10:44, 47; 11:15; 13:2; 15:8, 28; 19:6; 20:23, 28; 21:11; 28:25; Eph 1:13 (τὸ πν. τῆς ἐπαγγελίας τὸ ἅγιον); 4:30 (τὸ πν. τὸ ἅγιον τοῦ θεοῦ); Hb 3:7; 9:8; 10:15; 1 Cl 13:1; 16:2; 18:11 (Ps 50:13); 22:1; IEph 9:1; Hs 5, 5, 2; 5, 6, 5–7 (on the relationship of the Holy Spirit to the Son in Hermas s. ALink, Christi Person u. Werk im Hirten des Hermas 1886; JvWalter, ZNW 14, 1913, 133–44; MDibelius, Hdb. exc. following Hs 5, 6, 8 p. 572–76).—τὸ ἅγιον πνεῦμα (Wsd 9:17; OdeSol 11:2; TestJob 51:2; ApcEsdr 7:16; Just. D. 25, 1 al.) Mt 28:19; Lk 12:10 (s. above), 12; Ac 1:8; 2:38 (epexegetic gen.); 4:31; 9:31; 10:45; 13:4; 16:6; 1 Cor 6:19; 2 Cor 13:13; 1J 5:7 v.l. (on the Comma Johanneum s. λόγο 3); GJs 24:4 (s. χρηματίζω 1bα). As the mother of Jesus GHb 20, 61 (HLeisegang, Pneuma Hagion 1922, 64ff; SHirsch, D. Vorstellg. v. e. weibl. πνεῦμα ἅγ. im NT u. in d. ältesten christl. Lit. 1927. Also WBousset, Hauptprobleme der Gnosis 1907, 9ff).

β. without the art. (s. B-D-F §257, 2; Rob. 761; 795) πνεῦμα ἅγιον (PGM 3, 289; Da 5:12 LXX; PsSol 17:37; AssMos Fgm. b; Just., D. 4, 1 al.; Ath. 24, 1. S. also Da Theod. 4:8, 9, 18 θεοῦ πνεῦμα ἅγιον or πνεῦμα θεοῦ ἅγιον) Mk 1:8; Lk 1:15, 35, 41, 67; 2:25; 4:1; 11:13; J 20:22 (Cassien, La pentecôte johannique [J 20:19–23] ’39.—See also 1QS 4:20f); Ac 2:4a; 4:8; 7:55; 8:15, 17, 19; 9:17; 10:38; 11:24; 13:9; 19:2ab; Hb 2:4; 6:4; 1 Pt 1:12 v.l.; 1 Cl 2:2; AcPl 6:18; 9:4 (restored after Aa I 110, 11); AcPlCor 2:5.—So oft. in combination w. a prep.: διὰ πνεύματος ἁγίου Ac 1:2; 4:25; Ro 5:5; 2 Ti 1:14; 1 Cl 8:1 (cp. διὰ πν. αἰωνίου Hb 9:14). διὰ φωνῆς πν. ἁγίου AcPl Ha 11, 6. ἐκ πνεύματος ἁγίου (Eus., PE 3, 12, 3 of the Egyptians: ἐκ τ. πνεύματος οἴονται συλλαμβάνειν τὸν γῦπα. Here πνεῦμα= ‘wind’; s. Horapollo 1, 11 p. 14f. The same of other birds since Aristot.—On the neut. πνεῦμα as a masc. principle cp. Aristoxenus, Fgm. 13 of the two original principles: πατέρα μὲν φῶς, μητέρα δὲ σκότος) Mt 1:18, 20; IEph 18:2; GJs 14:2; 19:1 (pap). ἐν πνεύματι ἁγίῳ (PsSol 17:37; ApcZeph; Ar. 15, 1) Mt 3:11; Mk 1:8 v.l.; Lk 3:16; J 1:33b; Ac 1:5 (cp. 1QS 3:7f); 11:16; Ro 9:1; 14:17; 15:16; 1 Cor 12:3b; 2 Cor 6:6; 1 Th 1:5; 1 Pt 1:12 (without ἐν v.l.); Jd 20. ὑπὸ πνεύματος ἁγίου 2 Pt 1:21. Cp. ἐν δυνάμει πνεύματος ἁγίου Ro 15:13, 19 v.l. (for πνεύματος θεοῦ). μετὰ χαρᾶς πνεύματος ἁγίου 1 Th 1:6. διὰ ἀνακαινώσεως πνεύματος ἁγίου Tit 3:5.

ⓓ abs.

α. w. the art. τὸ πνεῦμα. In this connection the art. is perh. used anaphorically at times, w. the second mention of a word (s. B-D-F §252; Rob. 762); perh. Mt 12:31 (looking back to vs. 28 πν. θεοῦ); Mk 1:10, 12 (cp. vs. 8 πν. ἅγιον); Lk 4:1b, 14 (cp. vs. 1a); Ac 2:4b (cp. vs. 4a).—As a rule it is not possible to assume that anaphora is present: Mt 4:1; J 1:32, 33a; 3:6a, 8b (in wordplay), 34; 7:39a; Ac 8:29; 10:19; 11:12, 28; 19:1 D; 20:3 D, 22; 21:4; Ro 8:23 (ἀπαρχή 1bβ; 2), 26a, 27; 12:11; 15:30; 2 Cor 1:22 and 5:5 (KErlemann, ZNW 83, ’92, 202–23, and s. ἀρραβών); 12:18 (τῷ αὐτῷ πν.); Gal 3:2, 5, 14 (ἐπαγγελία 1bβ); Eph 4:3 (gen. of the author); 6:17 (perh. epexegetic gen.); 1 Ti 4:1a; Js 4:5; 1J 3:24; 5:6ab (some mss. add καὶ πνεύματος to the words διʼ ὕδατος κ. αἵματος at the beg. of the verse; this is approved by HvSoden, Moffatt, Vogels, Merk, and w. reservations by CDodd, The Joh. Epistles ’46, TManson, JTS 48, ’47, 25–33), vs. 8; Rv 2:7, 11, 17, 29; 3:6, 13, 22; 14:13; 22:17; B 19:2, B 7= D 4:10 (s. ἐτοιμάζω b). ἐν τῷ πνεύματι (led) by the Spirit Lk 2:27.—Paul links this Spirit of God, known to every Christian, with Christ as liberating agent in contrast to legal constraint ὁ κύριος τὸ πνεῦμα ἐστιν the Lord means Spirit 2 Cor 3:17a (UHolzmeister, 2 Cor 3:17 Dominus autem Spiritus est 1908; JNisius, Zur Erklärung v. 2 Cor 3:16ff: ZKT 40, 1916, 617–75; JKögel, Ὁ κύριος τὸ πνεῦμά ἐστιν: ASchlatter Festschr. 1922, 35–46; C Guignebert, Congr. d’Hist. du Christ. II 1928, 7–22; EFuchs, Christus u. d. Geist b. Pls ’32; HHughes, ET 45, ’34, 235f; CLattey, Verb. Dom. 20, ’40, 187–89; DGriffiths ET 55, ’43, 81–83; HIngo, Kyrios und Pneuma, ’61 [Paul]; JDunn, JTS 21, ’70, 309–20).

β. without the art. πνεῦμα B 1:3. κοινωνία πνεύματος Phil 2:1 (κοινωνία 1 and 2). πνεύματι in the Spirit or through the Spirit Gal 3:3; 5:5, 16, 18; 1 Pt 4:6. εἰ ζῶμεν πνεύματι, πνεύματι καὶ στοιχῶμεν if we live by the Spirit, let us also walk by the Spirit Gal 5:25. Freq. used w. a prep.: διὰ πνεύματος 1 Pt 1:22 v.l. ἐξ (ὕδατος καὶ) πνεύματος J 3:5. ἐν πνεύματι in, by, through the Spirit Mt 22:43; Eph 2:22; 3:5; 5:18; 6:18; Col 1:8 (ἀγάπη ἐν πνεύματι love called forth by the Spirit); B 9:7. κατὰ πνεῦμα Ro 8:4f; Gal 4:29. ἐν ἁγιασμῷ πνεύματος 2 Th 2:13; 1 Pt 1:2 (s. ἁγιασμός).—In neg. expressions: οὔπω ἧν πνεῦμα the Spirit had not yet come J 7:39b. ψυχικοὶ πνεῦμα μὴ ἔχοντες worldly people, who do not have the Spirit Jd 19.—ἓν πνεῦμα one and the same Spirit 1 Cor 12:13; Eph 2:18; 4:4; one (in) Spirit 1 Cor 6:17.

ⓔ The Spirit is more closely defined by a gen. of thing: τὸ πν. τῆς ἀληθείας (TestJud 20:5) J 14:17; 15:26; 16:13 (in these three places the Spirit of Truth is the Paraclete promised by Jesus upon his departure); 1J 4:6 (opp. τὸ πνεῦμα τῆς πλάνης, as TestJud 20:1; PsSol 8:14 πλ. πλανήσεως; Just., D. 7, 3 πλάνου καὶ ἀκαθάρτου πνεύματος; cp. 1QS 4:23); τὸ τῆς δόξης πν. 1 Pt 4:14. τὸ πν. τῆς ζωῆς the Spirit of life Ro 8:2. το πν. τῆς πίστεως 2 Cor 4:13. πν. σοφίας καὶ ἀποκαλύψεως Eph 1:17 (cp. Just., D. 87, 4). πν. υἱοθεσίας Ro 8:15b (opp. πν. δουλείας vs. 15a). πν. δυνάμεως AcPl Ha 8, 25. πν. δυνάμεως καὶ ἀγάπης καὶ σωφρονισμοῦ 2 Ti 1:7 (opp. πν. δειλίας). τὸ πν. τῆς χάριτος (s. TestJud 24:2) Hb 10:29 (Zech 12:10); cp. 1 Cl 46:6.

ⓕ Of Christ ‘it is written’ in Scripture: (ἐγένετο) ὁ ἔσχατος Ἀδὰμ εἰς πνεῦμα ζῳοποιοῦν 1 Cor 15:45. The scripture pass. upon which the first part of this verse is based is Gen 2:7, where Wsd 15:11 also substitutes the words πνεῦμα ζωτικόν for πνοὴν ζωῆς (cp. Just., D. 6, 2). On the other hand, s. Philo, Leg. All. 1, 42 and s. the lit. s.v. Ἀδάμ ad loc.

ⓖ The (divine) Pneuma stands in contrast to everything that characterizes this age or the finite world gener.: οὐ τὸ πν. τοῦ κόσμου ἀλλὰ τὸ πν. τὸ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ 1 Cor 2:12; cp. Eph 2:2 and 1 Ti 4:1ab.

α. in contrast to σάρξ, which is more closely connected w. sin than any other earthly material (Just., D. 135, 6): J 3:6; Ro 8:4–6, 9a, 13; Gal 3:3; 5:17ab; 6:8. Cp. B 10:9. πᾶσα ἐπιθυμία κατὰ τοῦ πνεύματος στρατεύεται Pol 5:3.

β. in contrast to σῶμα (=σάρξ) Ro 8:10 and to σάρξ (=σῶμα, as many hold) J 6:63a (for τὸ πν. ἐστιν τὸ ζῳοποιοῦν cp. Philo, Op. Mund. 30; Herm. Wr. in Cyrill., C. Jul. I 556c=542, 24 Sc. the pneuma τὰ πάντα ζῳοποιεῖ καὶ τρέφει. S. also f above). Cp. Ro 8:11b.

γ. in contrast to γράμμα, which is the characteristic quality of God’s older declaration of the divine will in the law: Ro 2:29; 7:6; 2 Cor 3:6ab, 8 (cp. vs. 7).

δ. in contrast to the wisdom of humans 1 Cor 2:13.

⑥ the Spirit of God as exhibited in the character or activity of God’s people or selected agents, Spirit, spirit (s. HPreisker, Geist u. Leben ’33).

ⓐ πνεῦμα is accompanied by another noun, which characterizes the working of the Spirit more definitely: πνεῦμα καὶ δύναμις spirit and power Lk 1:17; 1 Cor 2:4. Cp. Ac 10:38; 1 Th 1:5. πνεῦμα καὶ ζωή J 6:63b. πνεῦμα κ. σοφία Ac 6:3; cp. vs. 10 (cp. TestReub 2:6 πνεῦμα λαλίας). πίστις κ. πνεῦμα ἅγιον 6:5 (cp. Just., D. 135, 6). χαρὰ καὶ πνεῦμα ἅγ. 13:52.

ⓑ Unless frustrated by humans in their natural condition, the Spirit of God produces a spiritual type of conduct Gal 5:16, 25 and produces the καρπὸς τοῦ πνεύματος vs. 22 (s. Vögtle under πλεονεξία).

ⓒ The Spirit inspires certain people of God B 12:2; B 13:5, above all, in their capacity as proclaimers of a divine revelation (Strabo 9, 3, 5 the πνεῦμα ἐνθουσιαστικόν, that inspired the Pythia; Περὶ ὕψους 13, 2; 33, 5 of the divine πν. that impels prophets and poets to express themselves; schol. on Pla. 856e of a μάντις: ἄνωθεν λαμβάνειν τὸ πνεῦμα καὶ πληροῦσθαι τοῦ θεοῦ; Aristobulus in Eus., PE 8, 10, 4 [=Fgm. 2, 4 p. 136 Holladay] τὸ θεῖον πν., καθʼ ὸ̔ καὶ προφήτης ἀνακεκήρυκται ‘[Moses possessed] the Divine Spirit with the result that he was proclaimed a prophet’; AscIs 1:7 τὸ πν. τὸ λαλοῦν ἐν ἐμοί; AssMos Fgm. f εἶδεν πνεύματι ἐπαρθείς; Just., A I, 38, 1 al.; Ath. 10, 3 τὸ προφητικὸν πν. Cp. Marinus, Vi. Procli 23 of Proclus: οὐ γὰρ ἄνευ θείας ἐπινοίας … διαλέγεσθαι; Orig., C. Cels. 3, 28, 23). προφητεία came into being only as ὑπὸ πνεύματος ἁγίου φερόμενοι ἐλάλησαν ἀπὸ θεοῦ ἄνθρωποι 2 Pt 1:21; cp. Ac 15:29 v.l.; cp. 1 Cl 8:1. David Mt 22:43; Mk 12:36; cp. Ac 1:16; 4:25. Isaiah Ac 28:25. Moses B 10:2, B 9; the Spirit was also active in giving the tables of the law to Moses 14:2. Christ himself spoke in the OT διὰ τοῦ πνεύματος τοῦ ἁγίου 1 Cl 22:1. The ἱεραὶ γραφαί are called αἱ διὰ τοῦ πν. τοῦ ἁγίου 45:2.—The Christian prophet Agabus also ἐσήμαινεν διὰ τοῦ πν. Ac 11:28; cp. Ac 21:11. Likew. Ign. IPhld 7:2. In general the Spirit reveals the most profound secrets to those who believe 1 Cor 2:10ab.—1 Cl claims to be written διὰ τοῦ ἁγ. πν. 63:2. On Ac 19:21 s. 3b.

ⓓ The Spirit of God, being one, shows the variety and richness of its life in the different kinds of spiritual gifts which are granted to certain Christians 1 Cor 12:4, 7, 11; cp. vs. 13ab.—Vss. 8–10 enumerate the individual gifts of the Spirit, using various prepositions: διὰ τοὺ πν. vs. 8a; κατὰ τὸ πν. vs. 8b; ἐν τῷ πν. vs. 9ab. τὸ πν. μὴ σβέννυτε do not quench the Spirit 1 Th 5:19 refers to the gift of prophecy, acc. to vs. 20.—The use of the pl. πνεύματα is explained in 1 Cor 14:12 by the varied nature of the Spirit’s working; in vs. 32 by the number of persons who possess the prophetic spirit; on the latter s. Rv 22:6 and 19:10.

ⓔ One special type of spiritual gift is represented by ecstatic speaking. Of those who ‘speak in tongues’ that no earthly person can understand: πνεύματι λαλεῖ μυστήρια expresses secret things in a spiritual way 1 Cor 14:2. Cp. vss. 14–16 and s. νοῦς 1b. τὸ πνεῦμα ὑπερεντυγχάνει στεναγμοῖς ἀλαλήτοις the Spirit pleads in our behalf with groans beyond words Ro 8:26b. Of speech that is ecstatic, but expressed in words that can be understood λαλεῖν ἐν πνεύματι D 11:7, 8; cp. vs. 9 (on the subject-matter 1 Cor 12:3; Jos., Ant. 4, 118f; TestJob 43:2 ἀναλαβὼν Ἐλιφᾶς πν. εἶπεν ὕμνον). Of the state of mind of the seer of the Apocalypse: ἐν πνεύματι Rv 17:3; 21:10; γενέσθαι ἐν πν. 1:10; 4:2 (s. γίνομαι 5c, ἐν 4c and EMoering, StKr 92, 1920, 148–54; RJeske, NTS 31, ’85, 452–66); AcPl Ha 6, 27. On the Spirit at Pentecost Ac 2:4 s. KLake: Beginn. I 5, ’33, 111–21. κατασταλέντος τοῦ πν. τοῦ ἐν Μύρτῃ when the Spirit (of prophecy) that was in Myrta ceased speaking AcPl Ha 7, 9.

ⓕ The Spirit leads and directs Christian missionaries in their journeys (Aelian, NA 11, 16 the young women are led blindfolded to the cave of the holy serpent; they are guided by a πνεῦμα θεῖον) Ac 16:6, 7 (by dreams, among other methods; cp. vs. 9f and s. Marinus, Vi. Procli 27: Proclus ἔφασκεν προθυμηθῆναι μὲν πολλάκις γράψαι, κωλυθῆναι δὲ ἐναργῶς ἔκ τινων ἐνυπνίων). In Ac 16:6–7 τὸ ἅγιον πν. and τὸ πν. Ἰησοῦ are distinguished.

⑦ an activating spirit that is not fr. God, spirit: πν. ἔτερον a different (kind of) spirit 2 Cor 11:4. Cp. 2 Th 2:2; 1J 4:1–3. Because there are persons activated by such spirits, it is necessary to test the var. kinds of spirits (the same problem Artem. 3, 20 περὶ διαφορᾶς μάντεων, οἷς δεῖ προσέχειν καὶ οἷς μή) 1 Cor 12:10; 1J 4:1b. ὁ διάβολος πληροῖ αὐτὸν αὐτοῦ πν. Hm 11:3. Also οὐκ οἴδατε ποίου πνεύματός ἐστε Lk 9:55 v.l. distinguishes betw. the spirit shown by Jesus’ disciples, and another kind of spirit.—Even more rarely a spirit divinely given that is not God’s own; so (in a quot. fr. Is 29:10) a πνεῦμα κατανύξεως Ro 11:8.

⑧ an independent transcendent personality, the Spirit, which appears in formulas that became more and more fixed and distinct (cp. Ath. 12, 2; Hippol., Ref. 7, 26, 2.—Ps.-Lucian, Philopatr. 12 θεόν, υἱόν πατρός, πνεῦμα ἐκ πατρὸς ἐκπορευόμενον ἓν ἐκ τριῶν καὶ ἐξ ἑνὸς τρία, ταῦτα νόμιζε Ζῆνα, τόνδʼ ἡγοῦ θεόν=‘God, son of the father, spirit proceeding from the father, one from three and three from one, consider these as Zeus, think of this one as God’. The entire context bears a Christian impress.—As Aion in gnostic speculation Iren. 1, 2, 5 [Harv. I 21, 2]): βαπτίζοντες αὐτοὺς εἰς τὸ ὄνομα τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ τοῦ υἱοῦ καὶ τοῦ ἁγίου πνεύματος Mt 28:19 (on the text s. βαπτίζω 2c; on the subject-matter GWalther, Die Entstehung des Taufsymbols aus dem Taufritus: StKr 95, 1924, 256ff); D 7:1, 3. Cp. 2 Cor 13:13; 1 Cl 58:2; IEph 9:1; IMg 13:1b, 2; MPol 14:3; 22:1, 3; Epil Mosq 5. On this s. HUsener, Dreiheit: RhM 58, 1903, 1ff; 161ff; 321ff; esp. 36ff; EvDobschütz, Zwei-u. dreigliedrige Formeln: JBL 50, ’31, 116–47 (also Heinrici Festschr. 1914, 92–100); Norden, Agn. Th. 228ff; JMainz, Die Bed. der Dreizahl im Judentum 1922; Clemen² 125–28; NSöderblom, Vater, Sohn u. Geist 1909; DNielsen, Der dreieinige Gott I 1922; GKrüger, Das Dogma v. der Dreieinigkeit 1905, 46ff; AHarnack, Entstehung u. Entwicklung der Kirchenverfassung 1910, 187ff; JHaussleiter, Trinitarischer Glaube u. Christusbekenntnis in der alten Kirche: BFCT XXV 4, 1920; JLebreton, Histoire du dogme de la Trinité I: Les origines⁶ 1927; RBlümel, Pls u. d. dreieinige Gott 1929.—On the whole word FRüsche, D. Seelenpneuma ’33; HLeisegang, Der Hl. Geist I 1, 1919; EBurton, ICC Gal 1921, 486–95; PVolz, Der Geist Gottes u. d. verwandten Erscheinungen im AT 1910; JHehn, Zum Problem des Geistes im alten Orient u. im AT: ZAW n.s. 2, 1925, 210–25; SLinder, Studier till Gamla Testamentets föreställningar om anden 1926; AMarmorstein, Der Hl. Geist in der rabb. Legende: ARW 28, 1930, 286–303; NSnaith, The Distinctive Ideas of the OT ’46, 229–37; FDillistone, Bibl. Doctrine of the Holy Spirit: Theology Today 3, ’46/47, 486–97; TNicklin, Gospel Gleanings ’50, 341–46; ESchweizer, CDodd Festschr., ’56, 482–508; DLys, Rûach, Le Souffle dans l’AT, ’62; DHill, Gk. Words and Hebr. Mngs. ’67, 202–93.—HGunkel, Die Wirkungen des Hl. Geistes² 1899; HWeinel, Die Wirkungen des Geistes u. der Geister im nachap. Zeitalter 1899; EWinstanley, The Spirit in the NT 1908; HSwete, The Holy Spirit in the NT 1909, The Holy Spirit in the Ancient Church 1912; EScott, The Spirit in the NT 1923; FBüchsel, Der Geist Gottes im NT 1926; EvDobschütz, Der Geistbesitz des Christen im Urchristentum: Monatsschr. für Pastoral-theol. 20, 1924, 228ff; FBadcock, ‘The Spirit’ and Spirit in the NT: ET 45, ’34, 218–21; RBultmann, Theologie des NT ’48, 151–62 (Eng. tr. KGrobel, ’51, I 153–64); ESchweizer, Geist u. Gemeinde im NT ’52, Int 6, ’52, 259–78.—WTosetti, Der Hl. Geist als göttliche Pers. in den Evangelien 1918; HLeisegang, Pneuma Hagion. Der Ursprung des Geistbegriffs der Syn. Ev. aus der griech. Mystik 1922; AFrövig, Das Sendungsbewusstsein Jesu u. der Geist 1924; HWindisch, Jes. u. d. Geist nach Syn. Überl.: Studies in Early Christianity, presented to FCPorter and BWBacon 1928, 209–36; FSynge, The Holy Spirit in the Gospels and Acts: CQR 120, ’35, 205–17; CBarrett, The Holy Spirit and the Gospel Trad. ’47.—ESokolowski, Die Begriffe Geist u. Leben bei Pls 1903; KDeissner, Auferstehungshoffnung u. Pneumagedanke bei Pls 1912; GVos, The Eschatological Aspect of the Pauline Conception of the Spirit: Bibl. and Theol. Studies by the Faculty of Princeton Theol. Sem. 1912, 209–59; HBertrams, Das Wesen des Geistes nach d. Anschauung des Ap. Pls 1913; WReinhard, Das Wirken des Hl. Geistes im Menschen nach den Briefen des Ap. Pls 1918; HHoyle, The Holy Spirit in St. Paul 1928; PGächter, Z. Pneumabegriff des hl. Pls: ZKT 53, 1929, 345–408; ASchweitzer, D. Mystik des Ap. Pls 1930, 159–74 al. [Mysticism of Paul the Apostle, tr. WMontgomery ’31, 160–76 al.]; E-BAllo, RB 43, ’34, 321–46 [1 Cor]; Ltzm., Hdb. exc. after Ro 8:11; Synge [s. above], CQR 119, ’35, 79–93 [Pauline epp.]; NWaaning, Onderzoek naar het gebruik van πνεῦμα bij Pls, diss. Amsterd. ’39; RJewett, Paul’s Anthropological Terms, ’71, 167–200.—HvBaer, Der Hl. Geist in den Lukasschriften 1926; MGoguel, La Notion joh. de l’Esprit 1902; JSimpson, The Holy Spirit in the Fourth Gospel: Exp., 9th ser., 4, 1925, 292–99; HWindisch, Jes. u. d. Geist im J.: Amicitiae Corolla (RHarris Festschr.) ’33, 303–18; WLofthouse, The Holy Spirit in Ac and J: ET 52, ’40/41, 334–36; CBarrett, The Holy Spirit in the Fourth Gospel: JTS 1 n.s., ’50, 1–15; FCrump, Pneuma in the Gospels, diss. Catholic Univ. of America, ’54; GLampe, Studies in the Gospels (RHLightfoot memorial vol.) ’55, 159–200; NHamilton, The Holy Spirit and Eschatology in Paul, ’57; WDavies, Paul and the Dead Sea Scrolls, Flesh and Spirit: The Scrolls and the NT, ed. KStendahl, ’57, 157–82.—GJohnston, ‘Spirit’ and ‘Holy Spirit’ in the Qumran Lit.: NT Sidelights (ACPurdy Festschr.) ’60, 27–42; JPryke, ‘Spirit’ and ‘Flesh’ in Qumran and NT, RevQ 5, ’65, 346–60; HBraun, Qumran und d. NT II, ’66, 150–64; DHill, Greek Words and Hebrew Meanings, ’67, 202–93; WBieder, Pneumatolog. Aspekte im Hb, OCullmann Festschr. ’72, 251–59; KEasley, The Pauline Usage of πνεύματι as a Reference to the Spirit of God: JETS 27, ’84, 299–313 (statistics).—B. 260; 1087. Pauly-W. XIV 387–412. BHHW I 534–37. Schmidt, Syn. II 218–50. New Docs 4, 38f. DELG s.v. πνέω. M-M. Dict. de la Bible XI 126–398. EDNT. TW. Sv.

   Before Romans described western Iberia or Hispania as "Lusitania," ancient Iberians inhabited the land. Phoenician and Greek trading settlements grew up in the Tagus estuary area and nearby coasts. Beginning around 202 BCE, Romans invaded what is today southern Portugal. With Rome's defeat of Carthage, Romans proceeded to conquer and rule the western region north of the Tagus, which they named Roman "Lusitania." In the fourth century CE, as Rome's rule weakened, the area experienced yet another invasion—Germanic tribes, principally the Suevi, who eventually were Christianized. During the sixth century CE, the Suevi kingdom was superseded by yet another Germanic tribe—the Christian Visigoths.

   A major turning point in Portugal's history came in 711, as Muslim armies from North Africa, consisting of both Arab and Berber elements, invaded the Iberian Peninsula from across the Straits of Gibraltar. They entered what is now Portugal in 714, and proceeded to conquer most of the country except for the far north. For the next half a millennium, Islam and Muslim presence in Portugal left a significant mark upon the politics, government, language, and culture of the country.

   Islam, Reconquest, and Portugal Created, 714-1140

   The long frontier struggle between Muslim invaders and Christian communities in the north of the Iberian peninsula was called the Reconquista (Reconquest). It was during this struggle that the first dynasty of Portuguese kings (Burgundian) emerged and the independent monarchy of Portugal was established. Christian forces moved south from what is now the extreme north of Portugal and gradually defeated Muslim forces, besieging and capturing towns under Muslim sway. In the ninth century, as Christian forces slowly made their way southward, Christian elements were dominant only in the area between Minho province and the Douro River; this region became known as "territorium Portu-calense."

   In the 11th century, the advance of the Reconquest quickened as local Christian armies were reinforced by crusading knights from what is now France and England. Christian forces took Montemor (1034), at the Mondego River; Lamego (1058); Viseu (1058); and Coimbra (1064). In 1095, the king of Castile and Léon granted the country of "Portu-cale," what became northern Portugal, to a Burgundian count who had emigrated from France. This was the foundation of Portugal. In 1139, a descendant of this count, Afonso Henriques, proclaimed himself "King of Portugal." He was Portugal's first monarch, the "Founder," and the first of the Burgundian dynasty, which ruled until 1385.

   The emergence of Portugal in the 12th century as a separate monarchy in Iberia occurred before the Christian Reconquest of the peninsula. In the 1140s, the pope in Rome recognized Afonso Henriques as king of Portugal. In 1147, after a long, bloody siege, Muslim-occupied Lisbon fell to Afonso Henriques's army. Lisbon was the greatest prize of the 500-year war. Assisting this effort were English crusaders on their way to the Holy Land; the first bishop of Lisbon was an Englishman. When the Portuguese captured Faro and Silves in the Algarve province in 1248-50, the Reconquest of the extreme western portion of the Iberian peninsula was complete—significantly, more than two centuries before the Spanish crown completed the Reconquest of the eastern portion by capturing Granada in 1492.

   Consolidation and Independence of Burgundian Portugal, 1140-1385

   Two main themes of Portugal's early existence as a monarchy are the consolidation of control over the realm and the defeat of a Castil-ian threat from the east to its independence. At the end of this period came the birth of a new royal dynasty (Aviz), which prepared to carry the Christian Reconquest beyond continental Portugal across the straits of Gibraltar to North Africa. There was a variety of motives behind these developments. Portugal's independent existence was imperiled by threats from neighboring Iberian kingdoms to the north and east. Politics were dominated not only by efforts against the Muslims in

   Portugal (until 1250) and in nearby southern Spain (until 1492), but also by internecine warfare among the kingdoms of Castile, Léon, Aragon, and Portugal. A final comeback of Muslim forces was defeated at the battle of Salado (1340) by allied Castilian and Portuguese forces. In the emerging Kingdom of Portugal, the monarch gradually gained power over and neutralized the nobility and the Church.

   The historic and commonplace Portuguese saying "From Spain, neither a good wind nor a good marriage" was literally played out in diplomacy and war in the late 14th-century struggles for mastery in the peninsula. Larger, more populous Castile was pitted against smaller Portugal. Castile's Juan I intended to force a union between Castile and Portugal during this era of confusion and conflict. In late 1383, Portugal's King Fernando, the last king of the Burgundian dynasty, suddenly died prematurely at age 38, and the Master of Aviz, Portugal's most powerful nobleman, took up the cause of independence and resistance against Castile's invasion. The Master of Aviz, who became King João I of Portugal, was able to obtain foreign assistance. With the aid of English archers, Joao's armies defeated the Castilians in the crucial battle of Aljubarrota, on 14 August 1385, a victory that assured the independence of the Portuguese monarchy from its Castilian nemesis for several centuries.

   Aviz Dynasty and Portugal's First Overseas Empire, 1385-1580

   The results of the victory at Aljubarrota, much celebrated in Portugal's art and monuments, and the rise of the Aviz dynasty also helped to establish a new merchant class in Lisbon and Oporto, Portugal's second city. This group supported King João I's program of carrying the Reconquest to North Africa, since it was interested in expanding Portugal's foreign commerce and tapping into Muslim trade routes and resources in Africa. With the Reconquest against the Muslims completed in Portugal and the threat from Castile thwarted for the moment, the Aviz dynasty launched an era of overseas conquest, exploration, and trade. These efforts dominated Portugal's 15th and 16th centuries.

   The overseas empire and age of Discoveries began with Portugal's bold conquest in 1415 of the Moroccan city of Ceuta. One royal member of the 1415 expedition was young, 21-year-old Prince Henry, later known in history as "Prince Henry the Navigator." His part in the capture of Ceuta won Henry his knighthood and began Portugal's "Marvelous Century," during which the small kingdom was counted as a European and world power of consequence. Henry was the son of King João I and his English queen, Philippa of Lancaster, but he did not inherit the throne. Instead, he spent most of his life and his fortune, and that of the wealthy military Order of Christ, on various imperial ventures and on voyages of exploration down the African coast and into the Atlantic. While mythology has surrounded Henry's controversial role in the Discoveries, and this role has been exaggerated, there is no doubt that he played a vital part in the initiation of Portugal's first overseas empire and in encouraging exploration. He was naturally curious, had a sense of mission for Portugal, and was a strong leader. He also had wealth to expend; at least a third of the African voyages of the time were under his sponsorship. If Prince Henry himself knew little science, significant scientific advances in navigation were made in his day.

   What were Portugal's motives for this new imperial effort? The well-worn historical cliche of "God, Glory, and Gold" can only partly explain the motivation of a small kingdom with few natural resources and barely 1 million people, which was greatly outnumbered by the other powers it confronted. Among Portuguese objectives were the desire to exploit known North African trade routes and resources (gold, wheat, leather, weaponry, and other goods that were scarce in Iberia); the need to outflank the Muslim world in the Mediterranean by sailing around Africa, attacking Muslims en route; and the wish to ally with Christian kingdoms beyond Africa. This enterprise also involved a strategy of breaking the Venetian spice monopoly by trading directly with the East by means of discovering and exploiting a sea route around Africa to Asia. Besides the commercial motives, Portugal nurtured a strong crusading sense of Christian mission, and various classes in the kingdom saw an opportunity for fame and gain.

   By the time of Prince Henry's death in 1460, Portugal had gained control of the Atlantic archipelagos of the Azores and Madeiras, begun to colonize the Cape Verde Islands, failed to conquer the Canary Islands from Castile, captured various cities on Morocco's coast, and explored as far as Senegal, West Africa, down the African coast. By 1488, Bar-tolomeu Dias had rounded the Cape of Good Hope in South Africa and thereby discovered the way to the Indian Ocean.

   Portugal's largely coastal African empire and later its fragile Asian empire brought unexpected wealth but were purchased at a high price. Costs included wars of conquest and defense against rival powers, manning the far-flung navel and trade fleets and scattered castle-fortresses, and staffing its small but fierce armies, all of which entailed a loss of skills and population to maintain a scattered empire. Always short of capital, the monarchy became indebted to bankers. There were many defeats beginning in the 16th century at the hands of the larger imperial European monarchies (Spain, France, England, and Holland) and many attacks on Portugal and its strung-out empire. Typically, there was also the conflict that arose when a tenuously held world empire that rarely if ever paid its way demanded finance and manpower Portugal itself lacked.

   The first 80 years of the glorious imperial era, the golden age of Portugal's imperial power and world influence, was an African phase. During 1415-88, Portuguese navigators and explorers in small ships, some of them caravelas (caravels), explored the treacherous, disease-ridden coasts of Africa from Morocco to South Africa beyond the Cape of Good Hope. By the 1470s, the Portuguese had reached the Gulf of Guinea and, in the early 1480s, what is now Angola. Bartolomeu Dias's extraordinary voyage of 1487-88 to South Africa's coast and the edge of the Indian Ocean convinced Portugal that the best route to Asia's spices and Christians lay south, around the tip of southern Africa. Between 1488 and 1495, there was a hiatus caused in part by domestic conflict in Portugal, discussion of resources available for further conquests beyond Africa in Asia, and serious questions as to Portugal's capacity to reach beyond Africa. In 1495, King Manuel and his council decided to strike for Asia, whatever the consequences. In 1497-99, Vasco da Gama, under royal orders, made the epic two-year voyage that discovered the sea route to western India (Asia), outflanked Islam and Venice, and began Portugal's Asian empire. Within 50 years, Portugal had discovered and begun the exploitation of its largest colony, Brazil, and set up forts and trading posts from the Middle East (Aden and Ormuz), India (Calicut, Goa, etc.), Malacca, and Indonesia to Macau in China.

   By the 1550s, parts of its largely coastal, maritime trading post empire from Morocco to the Moluccas were under siege from various hostile forces, including Muslims, Christians, and Hindi. Although Moroccan forces expelled the Portuguese from the major coastal cities by 1550, the rival European monarchies of Castile (Spain), England, France, and later Holland began to seize portions of her undermanned, outgunned maritime empire.

   In 1580, Phillip II of Spain, whose mother was a Portuguese princess and who had a strong claim to the Portuguese throne, invaded Portugal, claimed the throne, and assumed control over the realm and, by extension, its African, Asian, and American empires. Phillip II filled the power vacuum that appeared in Portugal following the loss of most of Portugal's army and its young, headstrong King Sebastião in a disastrous war in Morocco. Sebastiao's death in battle (1578) and the lack of a natural heir to succeed him, as well as the weak leadership of the cardinal who briefly assumed control in Lisbon, led to a crisis that Spain's strong monarch exploited. As a result, Portugal lost its independence to Spain for a period of 60 years.

   Portugal under Spanish Rule, 1580-1640

   Despite the disastrous nature of Portugal's experience under Spanish rule, "The Babylonian Captivity" gave birth to modern Portuguese nationalism, its second overseas empire, and its modern alliance system with England. Although Spain allowed Portugal's weakened empire some autonomy, Spanish rule in Portugal became increasingly burdensome and unacceptable. Spain's ambitious imperial efforts in Europe and overseas had an impact on the Portuguese as Spain made greater and greater demands on its smaller neighbor for manpower and money. Portugal's culture underwent a controversial Castilianization, while its empire became hostage to Spain's fortunes. New rival powers England, France, and Holland attacked and took parts of Spain's empire and at the same time attacked Portugal's empire, as well as the mother country.

   Portugal's empire bore the consequences of being attacked by Spain's bitter enemies in what was a form of world war. Portuguese losses were heavy. By 1640, Portugal had lost most of its Moroccan cities as well as Ceylon, the Moluccas, and sections of India. With this, Portugal's Asian empire was gravely weakened. Only Goa, Damão, Diu, Bombay, Timor, and Macau remained and, in Brazil, Dutch forces occupied the northeast.

   On 1 December 1640, long commemorated as a national holiday, Portuguese rebels led by the duke of Braganza overthrew Spanish domination and took advantage of Spanish weakness following a more serious rebellion in Catalonia. Portugal regained independence from Spain, but at a price: dependence on foreign assistance to maintain its independence in the form of the renewal of the alliance with England.

   Restoration and Second Empire, 1640-1822

   Foreign affairs and empire dominated the restoration era and aftermath, and Portugal again briefly enjoyed greater European power and prestige. The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance was renewed and strengthened in treaties of 1642, 1654, and 1661, and Portugal's independence from Spain was underwritten by English pledges and armed assistance. In a Luso-Spanish treaty of 1668, Spain recognized Portugal's independence. Portugal's alliance with England was a marriage of convenience and necessity between two monarchies with important religious, cultural, and social differences. In return for legal, diplomatic, and trade privileges, as well as the use during war and peace of Portugal's great Lisbon harbor and colonial ports for England's navy, England pledged to protect Portugal and its scattered empire from any attack. The previously cited 17th-century alliance treaties were renewed later in the Treaty of Windsor, signed in London in 1899. On at least 10 different occasions after 1640, and during the next two centuries, England was central in helping prevent or repel foreign invasions of its ally, Portugal.

   Portugal's second empire (1640-1822) was largely Brazil-oriented. Portuguese colonization, exploitation of wealth, and emigration focused on Portuguese America, and imperial revenues came chiefly from Brazil. Between 1670 and 1740, Portugal's royalty and nobility grew wealthier on funds derived from Brazilian gold, diamonds, sugar, tobacco, and other crops, an enterprise supported by the Atlantic slave trade and the supply of African slave labor from West Africa and Angola. Visitors today can see where much of that wealth was invested: Portugal's rich legacy of monumental architecture. Meanwhile, the African slave trade took a toll in Angola and West Africa.

   In continental Portugal, absolutist monarchy dominated politics and government, and there was a struggle for position and power between the monarchy and other institutions, such as the Church and nobility. King José I's chief minister, usually known in history as the marquis of Pombal (ruled 1750-77), sharply suppressed the nobility and the

   Church (including the Inquisition, now a weak institution) and expelled the Jesuits. Pombal also made an effort to reduce economic dependence on England, Portugal's oldest ally. But his successes did not last much beyond his disputed time in office.

   Beginning in the late 18th century, the European-wide impact of the French Revolution and the rise of Napoleon placed Portugal in a vulnerable position. With the monarchy ineffectively led by an insane queen (Maria I) and her indecisive regent son (João VI), Portugal again became the focus of foreign ambition and aggression. With England unable to provide decisive assistance in time, France—with Spain's consent—invaded Portugal in 1807. As Napoleon's army under General Junot entered Lisbon meeting no resistance, Portugal's royal family fled on a British fleet to Brazil, where it remained in exile until 1821. In the meantime, Portugal's overseas empire was again under threat. There was a power vacuum as the monarch was absent, foreign armies were present, and new political notions of liberalism and constitutional monarchy were exciting various groups of citizens.

   Again England came to the rescue, this time in the form of the armies of the duke of Wellington. Three successive French invasions of Portugal were defeated and expelled, and Wellington succeeded in carrying the war against Napoleon across the Portuguese frontier into Spain. The presence of the English army, the new French-born liberal ideas, and the political vacuum combined to create revolutionary conditions. The French invasions and the peninsular wars, where Portuguese armed forces played a key role, marked the beginning of a new era in politics.

   Liberalism and Constitutional Monarchy, 1822-1910

   During 1807-22, foreign invasions, war, and civil strife over conflicting political ideas gravely damaged Portugal's commerce, economy, and novice industry. The next terrible blow was the loss of Brazil in 1822, the jewel in the imperial crown. Portugal's very independence seemed to be at risk. In vain, Portugal sought to resist Brazilian independence by force, but in 1825 it formally acknowledged Brazilian independence by treaty.

   Portugal's slow recovery from the destructive French invasions and the "war of independence" was complicated by civil strife over the form of constitutional monarchy that best suited Portugal. After struggles over these issues between 1820 and 1834, Portugal settled somewhat uncertainly into a moderate constitutional monarchy whose constitution (Charter of 1826) lent it strong political powers to exert a moderating influence between the executive and legislative branches of the government. It also featured a new upper middle class based on land ownership and commerce; a Catholic Church that, although still important, lived with reduced privileges and property; a largely African (third) empire to which Lisbon and Oporto devoted increasing spiritual and material resources, starting with the liberal imperial plans of 1836 and 1851, and continuing with the work of institutions like the Lisbon Society of Geography (established 1875); and a mass of rural peasants whose bonds to the land weakened after 1850 and who began to immigrate in increasing numbers to Brazil and North America.

   Chronic military intervention in national politics began in 19th-century Portugal. Such intervention, usually commencing with coups or pronunciamentos (military revolts), was a shortcut to the spoils of political office and could reflect popular discontent as well as the power of personalities. An early example of this was the 1817 golpe (coup) attempt of General Gomes Freire against British military rule in Portugal before the return of King João VI from Brazil. Except for a more stable period from 1851 to 1880, military intervention in politics, or the threat thereof, became a feature of the constitutional monarchy's political life, and it continued into the First Republic and the subsequent Estado Novo.

   Beginning with the Regeneration period (1851-80), Portugal experienced greater political stability and economic progress. Military intervention in politics virtually ceased; industrialization and construction of railroads, roads, and bridges proceeded; two political parties (Regenerators and Historicals) worked out a system of rotation in power; and leading intellectuals sparked a cultural revival in several fields. In 19th-century literature, there was a new golden age led by such figures as Alexandre Herculano (historian), Eça de Queirós (novelist), Almeida Garrett (playwright and essayist), Antero de Quental (poet), and Joaquim Oliveira Martins (historian and social scientist). In its third overseas empire, Portugal attempted to replace the slave trade and slavery with legitimate economic activities; to reform the administration; and to expand Portuguese holdings beyond coastal footholds deep into the African hinterlands in West, West Central, and East Africa. After 1841, to some extent, and especially after 1870, colonial affairs, combined with intense nationalism, pressures for economic profit in Africa, sentiment for national revival, and the drift of European affairs would make or break Lisbon governments.

   Beginning with the political crisis that arose out of the "English Ultimatum" affair of January 1890, the monarchy became discredtted and identified with the poorly functioning government, political parties splintered, and republicanism found more supporters. Portugal participated in the "Scramble for Africa," expanding its African holdings, but failed to annex territory connecting Angola and Mozambique. A growing foreign debt and state bankruptcy as of the early 1890s damaged the constitutional monarchy's reputation, despite the efforts of King Carlos in diplomacy, the renewal of the alliance in the Windsor Treaty of 1899, and the successful if bloody colonial wars in the empire (1880-97). Republicanism proclaimed that Portugal's weak economy and poor society were due to two historic institutions: the monarchy and the Catholic Church. A republic, its stalwarts claimed, would bring greater individual liberty; efficient, if more decentralized government; and a stronger colonial program while stripping the Church of its role in both society and education.

   As the monarchy lost support and republicans became more aggressive, violence increased in politics. King Carlos I and his heir Luís were murdered in Lisbon by anarchist-republicans on 1 February 1908. Following a military and civil insurrection and fighting between monarchist and republican forces, on 5 October 1910, King Manuel II fled Portugal and a republic was proclaimed.

   First Parliamentary Republic, 1910-26

   Portugal's first attempt at republican government was the most unstable, turbulent parliamentary republic in the history of 20th-century Western Europe. During a little under 16 years of the republic, there were 45 governments, a number of legislatures that did not complete normal terms, military coups, and only one president who completed his four-year term in office. Portuguese society was poorly prepared for this political experiment. Among the deadly legacies of the monarchy were a huge public debt; a largely rural, apolitical, and illiterate peasant population; conflict over the causes of the country's misfortunes; and lack of experience with a pluralist, democratic system.

   The republic had some talented leadership but lacked popular, institutional, and economic support. The 1911 republican constitution established only a limited democracy, as only a small portion of the adult male citizenry was eligible to vote. In a country where the majority was Catholic, the republic passed harshly anticlerical laws, and its institutions and supporters persecuted both the Church and its adherents. During its brief disjointed life, the First Republic drafted important reform plans in economic, social, and educational affairs; actively promoted development in the empire; and pursued a liberal, generous foreign policy. Following British requests for Portugal's assistance in World War I, Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in March 1916 and sent armies to Flanders and Portuguese Africa. Portugal's intervention in that conflict, however, was too costly in many respects, and the ultimate failure of the republic in part may be ascribed to Portugal's World War I activities.

   Unfortunately for the republic, its time coincided with new threats to Portugal's African possessions: World War I, social and political demands from various classes that could not be reconciled, excessive military intervention in politics, and, in particular, the worst economic and financial crisis Portugal had experienced since the 16th and 17th centuries. After the original Portuguese Republican Party (PRP, also known as the "Democrats") splintered into three warring groups in 1912, no true multiparty system emerged. The Democrats, except for only one or two elections, held an iron monopoly of electoral power, and political corruption became a major issue. As extreme right-wing dictatorships elsewhere in Europe began to take power in Italy (1922), neighboring Spain (1923), and Greece (1925), what scant popular support remained for the republic collapsed. Backed by a right-wing coalition of landowners from Alentejo, clergy, Coimbra University faculty and students, Catholic organizations, and big business, career military officers led by General Gomes da Costa executed a coup on 28 May 1926, turned out the last republican government, and established a military government.

   The Estado Novo (New State), 1926-74

   During the military phase (1926-32) of the Estado Novo, professional military officers, largely from the army, governed and administered Portugal and held key cabinet posts, but soon discovered that the military possessed no magic formula that could readily solve the problems inherited from the First Republic. Especially during the years 1926-31, the military dictatorship, even with its political repression of republican activities and institutions (military censorship of the press, political police action, and closure of the republic's rowdy parliament), was characterized by similar weaknesses: personalism and factionalism; military coups and political instability, including civil strife and loss of life; state debt and bankruptcy; and a weak economy. "Barracks parliamentarism" was not an acceptable alternative even to the "Nightmare Republic."

   Led by General Óscar Carmona, who had replaced and sent into exile General Gomes da Costa, the military dictatorship turned to a civilian expert in finance and economics to break the budget impasse and bring coherence to the disorganized system. Appointed minister of finance on 27 April 1928, the Coimbra University Law School professor of economics Antônio de Oliveira Salazar (1889-1970) first reformed finance, helped balance the budget, and then turned to other concerns as he garnered extraordinary governing powers. In 1930, he was appointed interim head of another key ministry (Colonies) and within a few years had become, in effect, a civilian dictator who, with the military hierarchy's support, provided the government with coherence, a program, and a set of policies.

   For nearly 40 years after he was appointed the first civilian prime minister in 1932, Salazar's personality dominated the government. Unlike extreme right-wing dictators elsewhere in Europe, Salazar was directly appointed by the army but was never endorsed by a popular political party, street militia, or voter base. The scholarly, reclusive former Coimbra University professor built up what became known after 1932 as the Estado Novo ("New State"), which at the time of its overthrow by another military coup in 1974, was the longest surviving authoritarian regime in Western Europe. The system of Salazar and the largely academic and technocratic ruling group he gathered in his cabinets was based on the central bureaucracy of the state, which was supported by the president of the republic—always a senior career military officer, General Óscar Carmona (1928-51), General Craveiro Lopes (1951-58), and Admiral Américo Tómaz (1958-74)—and the complicity of various institutions. These included a rubber-stamp legislature called the National Assembly (1935-74) and a political police known under various names: PVDE (1932-45), PIDE (1945-69),

   and DGS (1969-74). Other defenders of the Estado Novo security were paramilitary organizations such as the National Republican Guard (GNR); the Portuguese Legion (PL); and the Portuguese Youth [Movement]. In addition to censorship of the media, theater, and books, there was political repression and a deliberate policy of depoliticization. All political parties except for the approved movement of regime loyalists, the União Nacional or (National Union), were banned.

   The most vigorous and more popular period of the New State was 1932-44, when the basic structures were established. Never monolithic or entirely the work of one person (Salazar), the New State was constructed with the assistance of several dozen top associates who were mainly academics from law schools, some technocrats with specialized skills, and a handful of trusted career military officers. The 1933 Constitution declared Portugal to be a "unitary, corporative Republic," and pressures to restore the monarchy were resisted. Although some of the regime's followers were fascists and pseudofascists, many more were conservative Catholics, integralists, nationalists, and monarchists of different varieties, and even some reactionary republicans. If the New State was authoritarian, it was not totalitarian and, unlike fascism in Benito Mussolini's Italy or Adolf Hitler's Germany, it usually employed the minimum of violence necessary to defeat what remained a largely fractious, incoherent opposition.

   With the tumultuous Second Republic and the subsequent civil war in nearby Spain, the regime felt threatened and reinforced its defenses. During what Salazar rightly perceived as a time of foreign policy crisis for Portugal (1936-45), he assumed control of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From there, he pursued four basic foreign policy objectives: supporting the Nationalist rebels of General Francisco Franco in the Spanish Civil War (1936-39) and concluding defense treaties with a triumphant Franco; ensuring that General Franco in an exhausted Spain did not enter World War II on the Axis side; maintaining Portuguese neutrality in World War II with a post-1942 tilt toward the Allies, including granting Britain and the United States use of bases in the Azores Islands; and preserving and protecting Portugal's Atlantic Islands and its extensive, if poor, overseas empire in Africa and Asia.

   During the middle years of the New State (1944-58), many key Salazar associates in government either died or resigned, and there was greater social unrest in the form of unprecedented strikes and clandestine Communist activities, intensified opposition, and new threatening international pressures on Portugal's overseas empire. During the earlier phase of the Cold War (1947-60), Portugal became a steadfast, if weak, member of the US-dominated North Atlantic Treaty Organization alliance and, in 1955, with American support, Portugal joined the United Nations (UN). Colonial affairs remained a central concern of the regime. As of 1939, Portugal was the third largest colonial power in the world and possessed territories in tropical Africa (Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, and São Tomé and Príncipe Islands) and the remnants of its 16th-century empire in Asia (Goa, Damão, Diu, East Timor, and Macau). Beginning in the early 1950s, following the independence of India in 1947, Portugal resisted Indian pressures to decolonize Portuguese India and used police forces to discourage internal opposition in its Asian and African colonies.

   The later years of the New State (1958-68) witnessed the aging of the increasingly isolated but feared Salazar and new threats both at home and overseas. Although the regime easily overcame the brief oppositionist threat from rival presidential candidate General Humberto Delgado in the spring of 1958, new developments in the African and Asian empires imperiled the authoritarian system. In February 1961, oppositionists hijacked the Portuguese ocean liner Santa Maria and, in following weeks, African insurgents in northern Angola, although they failed to expel the Portuguese, gained worldwide media attention, discredited the New State, and began the 13-year colonial war. After thwarting a dissident military coup against his continued leadership, Salazar and his ruling group mobilized military repression in Angola and attempted to develop the African colonies at a faster pace in order to ensure Portuguese control. Meanwhile, the other European colonial powers (Britain, France, Belgium, and Spain) rapidly granted political independence to their African territories.

   At the time of Salazar's removal from power in September 1968, following a stroke, Portugal's efforts to maintain control over its colonies appeared to be successful. President Americo Tomás appointed Dr. Marcello Caetano as Salazar's successor as prime minister. While maintaining the New State's basic structures, and continuing the regime's essential colonial policy, Caetano attempted wider reforms in colonial administration and some devolution of power from Lisbon, as well as more freedom of expression in Lisbon. Still, a great deal of the budget was devoted to supporting the wars against the insurgencies in Africa. Meanwhile in Asia, Portuguese India had fallen when the Indian army invaded in December 1961. The loss of Goa was a psychological blow to the leadership of the New State, and of the Asian empire only East Timor and Macau remained.

   The Caetano years (1968-74) were but a hiatus between the waning Salazar era and a new regime. There was greater political freedom and rapid economic growth (5-6 percent annually to late 1973), but Caetano's government was unable to reform the old system thoroughly and refused to consider new methods either at home or in the empire. In the end, regime change came from junior officers of the professional military who organized the Armed Forces Movement (MFA) against the Caetano government. It was this group of several hundred officers, mainly in the army and navy, which engineered a largely bloodless coup in Lisbon on 25 April 1974. Their unexpected action brought down the 48-year-old New State and made possible the eventual establishment and consolidation of democratic governance in Portugal, as well as a reorientation of the country away from the Atlantic toward Europe.

   Revolution of Carnations, 1974-76

   Following successful military operations of the Armed Forces Movement against the Caetano government, Portugal experienced what became known as the "Revolution of Carnations." It so happened that during the rainy week of the military golpe, Lisbon flower shops were featuring carnations, and the revolutionaries and their supporters adopted the red carnation as the common symbol of the event, as well as of the new freedom from dictatorship. The MFA, whose leaders at first were mostly little-known majors and captains, proclaimed a three-fold program of change for the new Portugal: democracy; decolonization of the overseas empire, after ending the colonial wars; and developing a backward economy in the spirit of opportunity and equality. During the first 24 months after the coup, there was civil strife, some anarchy, and a power struggle. With the passing of the Estado Novo, public euphoria burst forth as the new provisional military government proclaimed the freedoms of speech, press, and assembly, and abolished censorship, the political police, the Portuguese Legion, Portuguese Youth, and other New State organizations, including the National Union. Scores of political parties were born and joined the senior political party, the Portuguese Community Party (PCP), and the Socialist Party (PS), founded shortly before the coup.

   Portugal's Revolution of Carnations went through several phases. There was an attempt to take control by radical leftists, including the PCP and its allies. This was thwarted by moderate officers in the army, as well as by the efforts of two political parties: the PS and the Social Democrats (PPD, later PSD). The first phase was from April to September 1974. Provisional president General Antonio Spínola, whose 1974 book Portugal and the Future had helped prepare public opinion for the coup, met irresistible leftist pressures. After Spinola's efforts to avoid rapid decolonization of the African empire failed, he resigned in September 1974. During the second phase, from September 1974 to March 1975, radical military officers gained control, but a coup attempt by General Spínola and his supporters in Lisbon in March 1975 failed and Spínola fled to Spain.

   In the third phase of the Revolution, March-November 1975, a strong leftist reaction followed. Farm workers occupied and "nationalized" 1.1 million hectares of farmland in the Alentejo province, and radical military officers in the provisional government ordered the nationalization of Portuguese banks (foreign banks were exempted), utilities, and major industries, or about 60 percent of the economic system. There were power struggles among various political parties — a total of 50 emerged—and in the streets there was civil strife among labor, military, and law enforcement groups. A constituent assembly, elected on 25 April 1975, in Portugal's first free elections since 1926, drafted a democratic constitution. The Council of the Revolution (CR), briefly a revolutionary military watchdog committee, was entrenched as part of the government under the constitution, until a later revision. During the chaotic year of 1975, about 30 persons were killed in political frays while unstable provisional governments came and went. On 25 November 1975, moderate military forces led by Colonel Ramalho Eanes, who later was twice elected president of the republic (1976 and 1981), defeated radical, leftist military groups' revolutionary conspiracies.

   In the meantime, Portugal's scattered overseas empire experienced a precipitous and unprepared decolonization. One by one, the former colonies were granted and accepted independence—Guinea-Bissau (September 1974), Cape Verde Islands (July 1975), and Mozambique (July 1975). Portugal offered to turn over Macau to the People's Republic of China, but the offer was refused then and later negotiations led to the establishment of a formal decolonization or hand-over date of 1999. But in two former colonies, the process of decolonization had tragic results.

   In Angola, decolonization negotiations were greatly complicated by the fact that there were three rival nationalist movements in a struggle for power. The January 1975 Alvor Agreement signed by Portugal and these three parties was not effectively implemented. A bloody civil war broke out in Angola in the spring of 1975 and, when Portuguese armed forces withdrew and declared that Angola was independent on 11 November 1975, the bloodshed only increased. Meanwhile, most of the white Portuguese settlers from Angola and Mozambique fled during the course of 1975. Together with African refugees, more than 600,000 of these retornados ("returned ones") went by ship and air to Portugal and thousands more to Namibia, South Africa, Brazil, Canada, and the United States.

   The second major decolonization disaster was in Portugal's colony of East Timor in the Indonesian archipelago. Portugal's capacity to supervise and control a peaceful transition to independence in this isolated, neglected colony was limited by the strength of giant Indonesia, distance from Lisbon, and Portugal's revolutionary disorder and inability to defend Timor. In early December 1975, before Portugal granted formal independence and as one party, FRETILIN, unilaterally declared East Timor's independence, Indonesia's armed forces invaded, conquered, and annexed East Timor. Indonesian occupation encountered East Timorese resistance, and a heavy loss of life followed. The East Timor question remained a contentious international issue in the UN, as well as in Lisbon and Jakarta, for more than 20 years following Indonesia's invasion and annexation of the former colony of Portugal. Major changes occurred, beginning in 1998, after Indonesia underwent a political revolution and allowed a referendum in East Timor to decide that territory's political future in August 1999. Most East Timorese chose independence, but Indonesian forces resisted that verdict until

   UN intervention in September 1999. Following UN rule for several years, East Timor attained full independence on 20 May 2002.

   Consolidation of Democracy, 1976-2000

   After several free elections and record voter turnouts between 25 April 1975 and June 1976, civil war was averted and Portugal's second democratic republic began to stabilize. The MFA was dissolved, the military were returned to the barracks, and increasingly elected civilians took over the government of the country. The 1976 Constitution was revised several times beginning in 1982 and 1989, in order to reempha-size the principle of free enterprise in the economy while much of the large, nationalized sector was privatized. In June 1976, General Ram-alho Eanes was elected the first constitutional president of the republic (five-year term), and he appointed socialist leader Dr. Mário Soares as prime minister of the first constitutional government.

   From 1976 to 1985, Portugal's new system featured a weak economy and finances, labor unrest, and administrative and political instability. The difficult consolidation of democratic governance was eased in part by the strong currency and gold reserves inherited from the Estado Novo, but Lisbon seemed unable to cope with high unemployment, new debt, the complex impact of the refugees from Africa, world recession, and the agitation of political parties. Four major parties emerged from the maelstrom of 1974-75, except for the Communist Party, all newly founded. They were, from left to right, the Communists (PCP); the Socialists (PS), who managed to dominate governments and the legislature but not win a majority in the Assembly of the Republic; the Social Democrats (PSD); and the Christian Democrats (CDS). During this period, the annual growth rate was low (l-2 percent), and the nationalized sector of the economy stagnated.

   Enhanced economic growth, greater political stability, and more effective central government as of 1985, and especially 1987, were due to several developments. In 1977, Portugal applied for membership in the European Economic Community (EEC), now the European Union (EU) since 1993. In January 1986, with Spain, Portugal was granted membership, and economic and financial progress in the intervening years has been significantly influenced by the comparatively large investment, loans, technology, advice, and other assistance from the EEC. Low unemployment, high annual growth rates (5 percent), and moderate inflation have also been induced by the new political and administrative stability in Lisbon. Led by Prime Minister Cavaco Silva, an economist who was trained abroad, the PSD's strong organization, management, and electoral support since 1985 have assisted in encouraging economic recovery and development. In 1985, the PSD turned the PS out of office and won the general election, although they did not have an absolute majority of assembly seats. In 1986, Mário Soares was elected president of the republic, the first civilian to hold that office since the First Republic. In the elections of 1987 and 1991, however, the PSD was returned to power with clear majorities of over 50 percent of the vote.

   Although the PSD received 50.4 percent of the vote in the 1991 parliamentary elections and held a 42-seat majority in the Assembly of the Republic, the party began to lose public support following media revelations regarding corruption and complaints about Prime Minister Cavaco Silva's perceived arrogant leadership style. President Mário Soares voiced criticism of the PSD's seemingly untouchable majority and described a "tyranny of the majority." Economic growth slowed down. In the parliamentary elections of 1995 and the presidential election of 1996, the PSD's dominance ended for the time being. Prime Minister Antônio Guterres came to office when the PS won the October 1995 elections, and in the subsequent presidential contest, in January 1996, socialist Jorge Sampaio, the former mayor of Lisbon, was elected president of the republic, thus defeating Cavaco Silva's bid. Young and popular, Guterres moved the PS toward the center of the political spectrum. Under Guterres, the PS won the October 1999 parliamentary elections. The PS defeated the PSD but did not manage to win a clear, working majority of seats, and this made the PS dependent upon alliances with smaller parties, including the PCP.

   In the local elections in December 2001, the PSD's criticism of PS's heavy public spending allowed the PSD to take control of the key cities of Lisbon, Oporto, and Coimbra. Guterres resigned, and parliamentary elections were brought forward from 2004 to March 2002. The PSD won a narrow victory with 40 percent of the votes, and Jose Durão Barroso became prime minister. Having failed to win a majority of the seats in parliament forced the PSD to govern in coalition with the right-wing Popular Party (PP) led by Paulo Portas. Durão Barroso set about reducing government spending by cutting the budgets of local authorities, freezing civil service hiring, and reviving the economy by accelerating privatization of state-owned enterprises. These measures provoked a 24-hour strike by public-sector workers. Durão Barroso reacted with vows to press ahead with budget-cutting measures and imposed a wage freeze on all employees earning more than €1,000, which affected more than one-half of Portugal's work force.

   In June 2004, Durão Barroso was invited by Romano Prodi to succeed him as president of the European Commission. Durão Barroso accepted and resigned the prime ministership in July. Pedro Santana Lopes, the leader of the PSD, became prime minister. Already unpopular at the time of Durão Barroso's resignation, the PSD-led government became increasingly unpopular under Santana Lopes. A month-long delay in the start of the school year and confusion over his plan to cut taxes and raise public-sector salaries, eroded confidence even more. By November, Santana Lopes's government was so unpopular that President Jorge Sampaio was obliged to dissolve parliament and hold new elections, two years ahead of schedule.

   Parliamentary elections were held on 20 February 2005. The PS, which had promised the electorate disciplined and transparent governance, educational reform, the alleviation of poverty, and a boost in employment, won 45 percent of the vote and the majority of the seats in parliament. The leader of the PS, José Sôcrates became prime minister on 12 March 2005. In the regularly scheduled presidential elections held on 6 January 2006, the former leader of the PSD and prime minister, Aníbal Cavaco Silva, won a narrow victory and became president on 9 March 2006. With a mass protest, public teachers' strike, and street demonstrations in March 2008, Portugal's media, educational, and social systems experienced more severe pressures. With the spreading global recession beginning in September 2008, Portugal's economic and financial systems became more troubled.

    Contemporary Portugal

   Owing to its geographic location on the southwestern most edge of continental Europe, Portugal has been historically in but not of Europe. Almost from the beginning of its existence in the 12th century as an independent monarchy, Portugal turned its back on Europe and oriented itself toward the Atlantic Ocean. After carving out a Christian kingdom on the western portion of the Iberian peninsula, Portuguese kings gradually built and maintained a vast seaborne global empire that became central to the way Portugal understood its individuality as a nation-state. While the creation of this empire allows Portugal to claim an unusual number of "firsts" or distinctions in world and Western history, it also retarded Portugal's economic, social, and political development. It can be reasonably argued that the Revolution of 25 April 1974 was the most decisive event in Portugal's long history because it finally ended Portugal's oceanic mission and view of itself as an imperial power. After the 1974 Revolution, Portugal turned away from its global mission and vigorously reoriented itself toward Europe. Contemporary Portugal is now both in and of Europe.

   The turn toward Europe began immediately after 25 April 1974. Portugal granted independence to its African colonies in 1975. It was admitted to the European Council and took the first steps toward accession to the European Economic Community (EEC) in 1976. On 28 March 1977, the Portuguese government officially applied for EEC membership. Because of Portugal's economic and social backwardness, which would require vast sums of EEC money to overcome, negotiations for membership were long and difficult. Finally, a treaty of accession was signed on 12 June 1985. Portugal officially joined the EEC (the European Union [EU] since 1993) on 1 January 1986. Since becoming a full-fledged member of the EU, Portugal has been steadily overcoming the economic and social underdevelopment caused by its imperial past and is becoming more like the rest of Europe.

   Membership in the EU has speeded up the structural transformation of Portugal's economy, which actually began during the Estado Novo. Investments made by the Estado Novo in Portugal's economy began to shift employment out of the agricultural sector, which, in 1950, accounted for 50 percent of Portugal's economically active population. Today, only 10 percent of the economically active population is employed in the agricultural sector (the highest among EU member states); 30 percent in the industrial sector (also the highest among EU member states); and 60 percent in the service sector (the lowest among EU member states). The economically active population numbers about 5,000,000 employed, 56 percent of whom are women. Women workers are the majority of the workforce in the agricultural and service sectors (the highest among the EU member states). The expansion of the service sector has been primarily in health care and education. Portugal has had the lowest unemployment rates among EU member states, with the overall rate never being more than 10 percent of the active population. Since joining the EU, the number of employers increased from 2.6 percent to 5.8 percent of the active population; self-employed from 16 to 19 percent; and employees from 65 to 70 percent. Twenty-six percent of the employers are women. Unemployment tends to hit younger workers in industry and transportation, women employed in domestic service, workers on short-term contracts, and poorly educated workers. Salaried workers earn only 63 percent of the EU average, and hourly workers only one-third to one-half of that earned by their EU counterparts. Despite having had the second highest growth of gross national product (GNP) per inhabitant (after Ireland) among EU member states, the above data suggest that while much has been accomplished in terms of modernizing the Portuguese economy, much remains to be done to bring Portugal's economy up to the level of the "average" EU member state.

   Membership in the EU has also speeded up changes in Portuguese society. Over the last 30 years, coastalization and urbanization have intensified. Fully 50 percent of Portuguese live in the coastal urban conurbations of Lisbon, Oporto, Braga, Aveiro, Coimbra, Viseu, Évora, and Faro. The Portuguese population is one of the oldest among EU member states (17.3 percent are 65 years of age or older) thanks to a considerable increase in life expectancy at birth (77.87 years for the total population, 74.6 years for men, 81.36 years for women) and one of the lowest birthrates (10.59 births/1,000) in Europe. Family size averages 2.8 persons per household, with the strict nuclear family (one or two generations) in which both parents work being typical. Common law marriages, cohabitating couples, and single-parent households are more and more common. The divorce rate has also increased. "Youth Culture" has developed. The young have their own meeting places, leisure-time activities, and nightlife (bars, clubs, and discos).

   All Portuguese citizens, whether they have contributed or not, have a right to an old-age pension, invalidity benefits, widowed persons' pension, as well as payments for disabilities, children, unemployment, and large families. There is a national minimum wage (€385 per month), which is low by EU standards. The rapid aging of Portugal's population has changed the ratio of contributors to pensioners to 1.7, the lowest in the EU. This has created deficits in Portugal's social security fund.

   The adult literacy rate is about 92 percent. Illiteracy is still found among the elderly. Although universal compulsory education up to grade 9 was achieved in 1980, only 21.2 percent of the population aged 25-64 had undergone secondary education, compared to an EU average of 65.7 percent. Portugal's higher education system currently consists of 14 state universities and 14 private universities, 15 state polytechnic institutions, one Catholic university, and one military academy. All in all, Portugal spends a greater percentage of its state budget on education than most EU member states. Despite this high level of expenditure, the troubled Portuguese education system does not perform well. Early leaving and repetition rates are among the highest among EU member states.

   After the Revolution of 25 April 1974, Portugal created a National Health Service, which today consists of 221 hospitals and 512 medical centers employing 33,751 doctors and 41,799 nurses. Like its education system, Portugal's medical system is inefficient. There are long waiting lists for appointments with specialists and for surgical procedures.

   Structural changes in Portugal's economy and society mean that social life in Portugal is not too different from that in other EU member states. A mass consumption society has been created. Televisions, telephones, refrigerators, cars, music equipment, mobile phones, and personal computers are commonplace. Sixty percent of Portuguese households possess at least one automobile, and 65 percent of Portuguese own their own home. Portuguese citizens are more aware of their legal rights than ever before. This has resulted in a trebling of the number of legal proceeding since 1960 and an eight-fold increase in the number of lawyers. In general, Portuguese society has become more permissive and secular; the Catholic Church and the armed forces are much less influential than in the past. Portugal's population is also much more culturally, religiously, and ethnically diverse, a consequence of the coming to Portugal of hundreds of thousands of immigrants, mainly from former African colonies.

   Portuguese are becoming more cosmopolitan and sophisticated through the impact of world media, the Internet, and the World Wide Web. A prime case in point came in the summer and early fall of 1999, with the extraordinary events in East Timor and the massive Portuguese popular responses. An internationally monitored referendum in East Timor, Portugal's former colony in the Indonesian archipelago and under Indonesian occupation from late 1975 to summer 1999, resulted in a vote of 78.5 percent for rejecting integration with Indonesia and for independence. When Indonesian prointegration gangs, aided by the Indonesian military, responded to the referendum with widespread brutality and threatened to reverse the verdict of the referendum, there was a spontaneous popular outpouring of protest in the cities and towns of Portugal. An avalanche of Portuguese e-mail fell on leaders and groups in the UN and in certain countries around the world as Portugal's diplomats, perhaps to compensate for the weak initial response to Indonesian armed aggression in 1975, called for the protection of East Timor as an independent state and for UN intervention to thwart Indonesian action. Using global communications networks, the Portuguese were able to mobilize UN and world public opinion against Indonesian actions and aided the eventual independence of East Timor on 20 May 2002.

   From the Revolution of 25 April 1974 until the 1990s, Portugal had a large number of political parties, one of the largest Communist parties in western Europe, frequent elections, and endemic cabinet instability. Since the 1990s, the number of political parties has been dramatically reduced and cabinet stability increased. Gradually, the Portuguese electorate has concentrated around two larger parties, the right-of-center Social Democrats (PSD) and the left-of-center Socialist (PS). In the 1980s, these two parties together garnered 65 percent of the vote and 70 percent of the seats in parliament. In 2005, these percentages had risen to 74 percent and 85 percent, respectively. In effect, Portugal is currently a two-party dominant system in which the two largest parties — PS and PSD—alternate in and out of power, not unlike the rotation of the two main political parties (the Regenerators and the Historicals) during the last decades (1850s to 1880s) of the liberal constitutional monarchy. As Portugal's democracy has consolidated, turnout rates for the eligible electorate have declined. In the 1970s, turnout was 85 percent. In Portugal's most recent parliamentary election (2005), turnout had fallen to 65 percent of the eligible electorate.

   Portugal has benefited greatly from membership in the EU, and whatever doubts remain about the price paid for membership, no Portuguese government in the near future can afford to sever this connection. The vast majority of Portuguese citizens see membership in the EU as a "good thing" and strongly believe that Portugal has benefited from membership. Only the Communist Party opposed membership because it reduces national sovereignty, serves the interests of capitalists not workers, and suffers from a democratic deficit. Despite the high level of support for the EU, Portuguese voters are increasingly not voting in elections for the European Parliament, however. Turnout for European Parliament elections fell from 40 percent of the eligible electorate in the 1999 elections to 38 percent in the 2004 elections.

   In sum, Portugal's turn toward Europe has done much to overcome its backwardness. However, despite the economic, social, and political progress made since 1986, Portugal has a long way to go before it can claim to be on a par with the level found even in Spain, much less the rest of western Europe. As Portugal struggles to move from underde-velopment, especially in the rural areas away from the coast, it must keep in mind the perils of too rapid modern development, which could damage two of its most precious assets: its scenery and environment. The growth and future prosperity of the economy will depend on the degree to which the government and the private sector will remain stewards of clean air, soil, water, and other finite resources on which the tourism industry depends and on which Portugal's world image as a unique place to visit rests. Currently, Portugal is investing heavily in renewable energy from solar, wind, and wave power in order to account for about 50 percent of its electricity needs by 2010. Portugal opened the world's largest solar power plant and the world's first commercial wave power farm in 2006.

   An American documentary film on Portugal produced in the 1970s described this little country as having "a Past in Search of a Future." In the years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974, it could be said that Portugal is now living in "a Present in Search of a Future." Increasingly, that future lies in Europe as an active and productive member of the EU.

* * *

(ber; bar, bárum; borinn), v.

I.

1) to bear, carry, convey (bar B. biskup í börum suðr í Hvamm);

bera (farm) af skipi, to unload a ship;

bera (mat) af borði, to take (the meat) off the table;

bera e-t á hesti, to carry on horseback;

2) to wear (bera klæði, vápn, kórónu);

bera œgishjálm, to inspire fear and awe;

3) to bear, produce, yield (jörðin berr gras; tré bera aldin, epli);

4) to bear, give birth to, esp. of sheep and cows;

kýr hafði borit kálf, had calved;

absol., ván at hón mundi bera, that the cow would calve;

the pp. is used of men; hann hafði verit blindr borinn, born blind;

verða borinn í þenna heim, to be born into this world;

þann sóma, sem ek em til borinn, born to;

borinn e-m, frá e-m (rare), born of;

Nótt var Nörvi borin, was the daughter of N.;

borinn Sigmundi, son of S.;

5) bera e-n afli, ofrafli, ofrliði, ofrmagni, ofríki, to bear one down, overcome, oppress, one by odds or superior force;

bera e-n ráðum, to overrule one;

bera e-n málum, to bear one down (wrongfully) in a lawsuit;

bera e-n sök, to charge one with a fault;

bera e-n bjóri, to make drunk with beer;

verða bráðum borinn, to be taken by surprise;

borinn verkjum, overcome by pains;

þess er borin ván, there is no hope, all hope is gone;

borinn baugum, bribed; cf. bera fé á e-n, to bribe one;

6) to lear, be capable of bearing (of a ship, horse, vehicle);

þeir hlóðu bæði skipin sem borð báru, with as much as they could carry;

fig., to sustain, support (svá mikill mannfjöldi, at landit fekk eigi borit);

of persons, to bear up against, endure, support (grief, sorrow, etc.);

absol., bar hann drengiliga, he bore it manfully;

similarly, bera (harm) af sér, berast vel (illa, lítt) af;

bar hon sköruliga af sér, she bore up bravely;

hversu berst Auðr af um bróðurdauðann, how does she bear it?

hon berst af lítt, she is much cast down;

bera sik vel upp, to bear well up against;

7) bera e-t á, e-n á hendr e-m, to charge or tax one with (eigi erum vér þess valdir, er þú berr á oss);

bera (kvið) á e-n, to give a verdict against, declare guilty (í annat sinn báru þeir á Flosa kviðinn);

bera af e-m (kviðinn), to give a verdict for;

bera e-t af sér, to deny having done a thing;

bera or bera vitni, vætti, to bear witness, testify;

bera or bera um e-t, to give a verdict in a case;

bera e-n sannan at sök, to prove guilty by evidence;

bera e-n undan sök, to acquit;

bera í sundr frændsemi þeirra, to prove (by evidence) that they are not relations;

bera e-m vel (illa) söguna, to give a favourable (unfavourable) account of one;

refl. (pass.), berast, to be proved by evidence (þótt þér berist þat faðerni, er þú segir);

8) to set forth, report, tell;

bera e-m kveðju (orð, orðsending), to bring one a greeting, compliments (word, message);

bera or bera fram erindi sín fyrir e-n, to state (tell) one’s errand or to plead one’s case before one;

bera e-m njósn, to apprise one;

bera e-t upp, to produce, mention, tell;

bera upp gátu, to give (propound) a riddle;

bera upp erindi sín, to state one’s errand;

bera saman ráð sín, to consult together;

eyddist það ráð, er þeir báru saman, which they had designed;

9) to keep, hold, bear, of a title (bera jarlnafn, konnungsnafn);

bera (eigi) giptu, gæfu, hammingju, auðnu til e-s, (not) to have the good fortune to do a thing (bar hann enga gæfu til at þjóna þér);

bera vit, skyn, kunnáttu á e-t, to have knowledge of, uniderstanding about;

vel viti borinn, endowed with a good understanding;

bera hug, áræði, þor, traust til e-s, to have courage, confidence to do a thing;

bera áhyggju fyrir e-u, to be concerned about;

bera ást, elsku, hatr til e-s, to bear affection, love, hatred to;

10) to bear off or away, carry off (some gain);

bera sigr af e-m, af e-u, to carry off the victory from or in;

hann hafði borit sigr af tveim orustum, he had been victorious in two battles;

bera hærra (lægra) hlut to get the best (the worst) of it;

bera efra (hærra) skjöld, to gain the victory;

bera hátt (lágt) höfuðit, to bear the head high (low), to be in high (low) spirits;

bera halann bratt, lágt, to cock up or let fall the tail, to be in high or low spirits;

11) with preps.:

bera af e-m, to surpass;

en þó bar Bolli af, surpassed all the rest;

bera af sér högg, lag to ward off, parry a blow or thrust;

bera eld at, to set fire to;

bera fjötur (bönd) at e-m, to put fetters (bonds) on one;

bera vápn á e-n, to attack one with sharp weapons;

bera á or í, to smear, anoint (bera vatn í augu sér, bera tjöru í höfuð sér);

bera e-t til, to apply to, to try if it fits (bera til hvern lykil af öðrum at portinu);

bera e-t um, to wind round;

þá bar hann þá festi um sik, made it fast round his body;

bera um með e-n, to bear with, have patience with;

bera út barn, to expose a child;

12) refl., berast mikit (lítit) á, to bear oneself proudly (humbly);

láta af berast, to die;

láta fyrir berast e-s staðar, to stay, remain in a place (for shelter);

berast e-t fyrir, to design a thing (barst hann þat fyrir at sjá aldregi konur);

at njósna um, hvat hann bærist fyrir, to inquire into what he was about;

berast vápn á, to attack one another;

berast at or til, to happen;

þat barst at (happened) á einhverju sumri;

ef svá harðliga kann til at berast, if that misfortune does happen;

berast í móti, to happen, occur;

hefir þetta vel í móti borizt, it is a happy coincidence;

berast við, to be prevented;

ok nú lét almáttugr guð við berast kirkjubrunann, prevented, stopped the burning of the church;

II. impers., denoting a sort of passive or involuntary motion;

1) with acc., it bears or carries one to a place;

alla berr at sama brunni, all come to the same well (end);

bar hann (acc.) þá ofan gegnt Ösuri, he happened to come down just opposite to Ö.;

esp. of ships and sailors; berr oss (acc.) til Íslands eða annarra landa, we drift to Iceland or other countries;

þá (acc.) bar suðr í haf, they were carried out southwards;

Skarpheðin (acc.) bar nú at þeim, S. came suddenly upon them;

ef hann (acc.) skyldi bera þar at, if he should happen to come there;

e-n berr yfir, one is borne onwards, of a bird flying, a man riding;

hann (acc.) bar skjótt yfir, it passed quickly (of a flying meteor);

2) followed by preps.:

Gunnar sér, at rauðan kyrtil bar við glugginn, that a red kirtle passed before the window;

hvergi bar skugga (acc.) á, there was nowhere a shadow;

e-t berr fram (hátt), is prominent;

Ólafr konungr stóð í lyptingu ok bar hann (acc.) hátt mjök, stood out conspicuously;

e-t berr á milli, comes between;

leiti (acc.) bar á milli, a hill hid the prospect;

fig. e-m berr e-t á milli, they are at variance about a thing;

mart (acc.) berr nú fyrir augu mér, many things come now before my eyes;

veiði (acc.) berr í hendr e-m, game falls to one’s lot;

e-t berr undan, goes amiss, fails;

bera saman, to coincide;

bar nöfn þeirra saman, they had the same name;

fig., with dat.; bar öllum sögum vel saman, all the stories agreed well together;

fund várn bar saman, we met;

3) bera at, til, við, at hendi, til handa, to befall, happen, with dat. of the person;

svá bar at einn vetr, it happened one winter;

þó at þetta vandræði (acc.) hafi nú borit oss (dat.) at hendi, has befallen us;

bar honum svá til, it so befell him;

þat bar við (it so happened), at Högni kom;

raun (acc.) berr á, it is proved by fact;

4) of time, to fall upon;

ef þing (acc.) berr á hina helgu viku, if the parliament falls in the holy week;

bera í móti, to coincide, happen exactly at the same time;

5) denoting cause;

e-t berr til, causes a thing;

konungr spurði, hvat til bæri úgleði hans, what was the cause of his grief;

ætluðu þat þá allir, at þat mundi til bera, that that was the reason;

berr e-m nauðsyn til e-s, one is obliged to do a thing;

6) e-t berr undir e-n, falls to a person’s lot;

hon á arf at taka, þegar er undir hana berr, in her turn;

e-t berr frá, is surpassing;

er sagt, at þat (acc.) bæri frá, hvé vel þeir mæltu, it was extraordinary how well they spoke;

7) e-t berr bráðum, happens of a sudden;

e-t berr stóru, stórum (stœrrum), it amounts to much (more), it matters a great deal (more), it is of great (greater) importance;

8) absol. or with an adv., vel, illa, with infin.;

e-m berr (vel, illa) at gera e-t, it becomes, beseems one (well, ill) to do a thing (berr yðr vel, herra, at sjá sannindi á þessu máli);

used absol., berr vel, illa, it is beseeming, proper, fit, or unbeseeming, improper, unfit (þat þykkir eigi illa bera, at).

(að), v. to make bare (hon beraði likam sinn).

f. she-bear, = birna.

* * *

u, f.

I. [björn], a she-bear, Lat. ursa; the primitive root ‘ber’ remains only in this word (cp. berserkr and berfjall), björn (q. v.) being the masc. in use, Landn. 176, Fas. i. 367, Vkv. 9: in many Icel. local names, Beru-fjörðr, -vík, from Polar bears; fem. names, Bera, Hallbera, etc., Landn.

II. a shield, poët., the proverb, baugr er á beru sæmstr, to a shield fits best a baugr (q. v.), Lex. Poët., Edda (Gl.); hence names of poems Beru-drápa, Eg.

bar, báru, borit, pres. berr,—poët. forms with the suffixed negative; 3rd pers. sing. pres. Indic. berrat, Hm. 10; 3rd pers. sing. pret. barat, Vellekla; 1st pers. sing. barkak, Eb. 62 (in a verse); barkat ek, Hs. 8; 2nd pers. sing. bartattu; 3rd pers. pl. bárut, etc., v. Lex. Poët. [Gr. φέρειν; Lat. ferre; Ulf. bairan; A. S. beran; Germ. gebären; Engl. bear; Swed. bära; Dan. bære].

A. Lat. ferre, portare:

I. prop. with a sense of motion, to bear, carry, by means of the body, of animals, of vehicles, etc., with acc., Egil tók mjöðdrekku eina mikla, ok bar undir hendi sér, Eg. 237; bar hann heim hrís, Rm. 9; konungr lét bera inn kistur tvær, báru tveir menn hverja, Eg. 310; bera farm af skipi, to unload a ship, Ld. 32; bera (farm) á skip, to load a ship, Nj. 182; tóku alla ösku ok báru á á ( amnem) út, 623, 36; ok bar þat ( carried it) í kerald, 43, K. Þ. K. 92; b. mat á borð, í stofu, to put the meat on table, in the oven; b. mat af borði, to take it off table, Eb. 36, 266, Nj. 75, Fms. ix. 219, etc.

2. Lat. gestare, ferre, denoting to wear clothes, to carry weapons; skikkja dýr er konungr hafði borit, Eg. 318; b. kórónu, to wear the crown, Fms. x. 16; atgeir, Nj. 119; vápn, 209: metaph., b. ægishjálm, to inspire fear and awe; b. merki, to carry the flag in a battle, Nj. 274, Orkn. 28, 30, 38, Fms. v. 64, vi. 413; bera fram merki, to advance, move in a battle, vi. 406.

3. b. e-t á hesti (áburðr), to carry on horseback; Auðunn bar mat á hesti, Grett. 107; ok bar hrís á hesti, 76 new Ed.; þeir báru á sjau hestum, 98 new Ed.

II. without a sense of motion:

1. to give birth to; [the root of barn, bairn; byrja, incipere; burðr, partus; and burr, filius: cp. Lat. parĕre; also Gr. φέρειν, Lat. ferre, of child-bearing.] In Icel. prose, old as well as mod., ‘ala’ and ‘fæða’ are used of women; but ‘bera,’ of cows and sheep; hence sauðburðr, casting of lambs, kýrburðr; a cow is snembær, siðbær, Jólabær, calves early, late, at Yule time, etc.; var ekki ván at hon ( the cow) mundi b. fyr en um várit, Bs. i. 193, 194; kýr hafði borit kálf, Bjarn. 32; bar hvárrtveggi sauðrinn sinn burð, Stj. 178: the participle borinn is used of men in a great many compds in a general sense, aptrborinn, árborinn, endrborinn, frjálsborinn, goðborinn, höldborinn, hersborinn, konungborinn, óðalborinn, samborinn, sundrborinn, velborinn, úborinn, þrælborinn, etc.; also out of compds, mun ek eigi upp gefa þann sóma, sem ek em til borinn, … entitled to by inheritance, Ld. 102; hann hafði blindr verit borinn, born blind, Nj. 152, Hdl. 34, 42, Vsp. 2: esp. borinn e-m, born of one, Rm. 39, Hdl. 12, 23, 27, Hðm. 2, Gs. 9, Vþm. 25, Stor. 16, Vkv. 15; borinn frá e-m, Hdl. 24: the other tenses are in theol. Prose used of Christ, hans blezaða son er virðist at láta berast hingað í heim af sinni blezaðri móður, Fms. i. 281; otherwise only in poetry, eina dóttur (acc.) berr álfröðull (viz. the sun, regarded as the mother), Vþm. 47; hann Gjálp um bar, hann Greip um bar …, Hdl. 36: borit (sup.), Hkv. 1. 1.

β. of trees, flowers; b. ávöxt, blóm …, to bear fruit, flower … (freq.); bar aldinviðrinn tvennan blóma, Fms. ix. 265; cp. the phrase, bera sitt barr, v. barr.

2. denoting to load, with acc. of the person and dat. of the thing:

α. in prop. sense; hann hafði borit sik mjök vápnum, he had loaded himself with arms, i. e. wore heavy armour, Sturl. iii. 250.

β. but mostly in a metaph. sense; b. e-n ofrafli, ofrmagni, ofrliði, ofríki, magni, to bear one down, to overcome, oppress one, by odds or superior force, Grág. i. 101, ii. 195, Nj. 80, Hkr. ii. 371, Gþl. 474, Stj. 512, Fms. iii. 175 (in the last passage a dat. pers. badly); b. e-n ráðum, to overrule one, Nj. 198, Ld. 296; b. e-n málum, to bearhim down (wrongfully) in a lawsuit, Nj. 151; b. e-n bjóri, to make drunk, Vkv. 26: medic., borinn verkjum, sótt, Bjarn. 68, Og. 5; bölvi, Gg. 2: borne down, feeling heavy pains; þess er borin ván, no hope, all hope is gone, Ld. 250; borinn sök, charged with a cause, Fms. v. 324, H. E. i. 561; bráðum borinn, to be taken by surprise, Fms. iv. 111; b. fé, gull á e-n, to bring one a fee, gold, i. e. to bribe one, Nj. 62; borinn baugum, bribed, Alvm. 5; always in a bad sense, cp. the law phrase, b. fé í dóm, to bribe a court, Grág., Nj. 240.

3. to bear, support, sustain, Lat. sustinere, lolerare, ferre:

α. properly, of a ship, horse, vehicle, to bear, be capable of bearing; þeir hlóðu bæði skipin sem borð báru, all that they could carry, Eb. 302;—a ship ‘berr’ ( carries) such and such a weight; but ‘tekr’ ( takes) denotes a measure of fluids.

β. metaph. to sustain, support; dreif þannig svá mikill mannfjöldi at landit fékk eigi borit, Hkr. i. 56; but metaph. to bear up against, endure, support grief, sorrow, etc., sýndist öllum at Guð hefði nær ætlað hvat hann mundi b. mega, Bs. i. 139; biðr hann friðar ok þykist ekki mega b. reiði hans, Fms. iii. 80: the phrase, b. harm sinn í hljóði, to suffer silently; b. svívirðing, x. 333: absol., þótti honum mikit víg Kjartans, en þó bar hann drengilega, he bore it manfully, Ld. 226; er þat úvizka, at b. eigi slíkt, not to bear or put up with, Glúm. 327; b. harm, to grieve, Fms. xi. 425: in the phrases, b. sik, b. af sér, berask, berask vel (illa, lítt), to bear oneself, to bear up against misfortune; Guðrúnu þótti mikit fráfall Þorkels, en þó bar hon sköruliga af sér, she bore her bravely up, Ld. 326–328; lézt hafa spurt at ekkjan bæri vel af sér harmana, Eb. 88; berask af; hversu bersk Auðr af um bróðurdauðann? (how does she bear it?); hón bersk af lítt ( she is much borne down) ok þykir mikit, Gísl. 24; niun oss vandara gört en öðrum at vér berim oss vel (Lat. fortiter ferre), Nj. 197; engi maðr hefði þar jamvel borit sik, none bad borne himself so boldly, Sturl. iii. 132; b. sik vel upp, to bear well up against, bear a stout heart, Hrafn. 17; b. sik beiskliga ( sorely), Stj. 143; b. sik lítt, to be downcast, Fms. ii. 61; b. sik at göra e-t, to do one’s best, try a thing.

III. in law terms or modes of procedure:

1. bera járn, the ordeal of bearing hot iron in the hand, cp. járnburðr, skírsla. This custom was introduced into Scandinavia together with Christianity from Germany and England, and superseded the old heathen ordeals ‘hólmganga,’ and ‘ganga undir jarðarmen,’ v. this word. In Norway, during the civil wars, it was esp. used in proof of paternity of the various pretenders to the crown, Fms. vii. 164, 200, ix. Hák. S. ch. 14, 41–45, viii. (Sverr. S.) ch. 150, xi. (Jómsv. S.) ch. 11, Grett. ch. 41, cp. N. G. L. i. 145, 389. Trial by ordeal was abolished in Norway A. D. 1247. In Icel. It was very rarely mentioned, vide however Lv. ch. 23 (paternity), twice or thrice in the Sturl. i. 56, 65, 147, and Grág. i. 341, 361; it seems to have been very seldom used there, (the passage in Grett. S. l. c. refers to Norway.)

2. bera út (hence útburðr, q. v.), to expose children; on this heathen custom, vide Grimm R. A. In heathen Icel., as in other parts of heathen Scandinavia, it was a lawful act, but seldom exercised; the chief passages on record are, Gunnl. S. ch. 3 (ok þat var þá siðvandi nokkurr, er land var allt alheiðit, at þeir menn er félitlir vórn, en stóð ómegð mjök til handa létu út bera börn sín, ok þótti þó illa gört ávalt), Fs. Vd. ch. 37, Harð. S. ch. 8, Rd. ch. 7, Landn. v. ch. 6, Finnb. ch. 2, Þorst. Uxaf. ch. 4, Hervar. S. ch. 4, Fas. i. 547 (a romance); cp. Jómsv. S. ch. 1. On the introduction of Christianity into Icel. A. D. 1000, it was resolved that, in regard to eating of horse-flesh and exposure of children, the old laws should remain in force, Íb. ch. 9; as Grimm remarks, the exposure must take place immediately after birth, before the child had tasted food of any kind whatever, and before it was besprinkled with water (ausa vatni) or shown to the father, who had to fix its name; exposure, after any of these acts, was murder, cp. the story of Liafburga told by Grimm R. A.); v. Also a Latin essay at the end of the Gunnl. S. (Ed. 1775). The Christian Jus Eccl. put an end to this heathen barbarism by stating at its very beginning, ala skal barn hvert er borit verðr, i. e. all children, if not of monstrous shape, shall be brought up, N. G. L. i. 339, 363.

β. b. út (now more usual, hefja út, Am. 100), to carry out for burial; vera erfðr ok tit borinn, Odd. 20; var hann heygðr, ok út borinn at fornum sið, Fb. i. 123; b. á bál, to place (the body and treasures) upon the pile, the mode of burying in the old heathen time, Fas. i. 487 (in a verse); var hon borin á bálit ok slegit í eldi, Edda 38.

B. Various and metaph. cases.

I. denoting motion:

1. ‘bera’ is in the Grág. the standing law term for delivery of a verdict by a jury (búar), either ‘bera’ absol. or adding kvið ( verdict); bera á e-n, or b. kvið á e-n, to give a verdict against, declare guilty; bera af e-m, or b. af e-m kviðinn, to give a verdict for; or generally, bera, or b. um e-t, to give a verdict in a case; bera, or b. vitni, vætti, also simply means to testify, to witness, Nj. 111, cp. kviðburðr ( delivering of verdict), vitnisburðr ( bearing witness), Grág. ii. 28; eigi eigu búar ( jurors) enn at b. um þat hvat lög eru á landi hér, the jurors have not to give verdict in (to decide) what is law in the country, cp. the Engl. maxim, that jurors have only to decide the question of evidence, not of law, Grág. (Kb.) ch. 85; eigi eru búar skildir at b. um hvatvetna; um engi mál eigu þeir at skilja, þau er erlendis ( abroad) hafa görzt, id.; the form in delivering the verdict—höfum vér ( the jurors), orðit á eitt sáttir, berum á kviðburðinn, berum hann sannan at sökinni, Nj. 238, Grág. i. 49, 22, 138, etc.; í annat sinn báru þeir á Flosa kviðinn, id.; b. annattveggja af eðr á; b. undan, to discharge, Nj. 135; b. kvið í hag ( for), Grág. i. 55; b. lýsingar vætti, Nj. 87; b. vitni ok vætti, 28, 43, 44; b. ljúgvitni, to bear false witness, Grág. i. 28; b. orð, to bear witness to a speech, 43; bera frændsemi sundr, to prove that they are not relations, N. G. L. i. 147: reflex., berask ór vætti, to prove that oneself is wrongly summoned to bear witness or to give a verdict, 44: berask in a pass. sense, to be proved by evidence, ef vanefni b. þess manns er á hönd var lýst, Grág. i. 257; nema jafnmæli berisk, 229; þótt þér berisk þat faðerni er þú segir, Fms. vii. 164; hann kvaðst ætla, at honum mundi berask, that he would be able to get evidence for, Fs. 46.

β. gener. and not as a law term; b. á, b. á hendr, to charge; b. e-n undan, to discharge, Fs. 95; eigi erum vér þessa valdir er þú berr á oss, Nj. 238, Ld. 206, Fms. iv. 380, xi. 251, Th. 78; b. e-m á brýnn, to throw in one’s face, to accuse, Greg. 51; b. af sér, to deny; eigi mun ek af mér b., at… ( non diffitebor), Nj. 271; b. e-m gott vitni, to give one a good…, 11; b. e-m vel (illa) söguna, to bear favourable (unfavourable) witness of one, 271.

2. to bear by word of mouth, report, tell, Lat. referre; either absol. or adding kveðju, orð, orðsending, eyrindi, boð, sögu, njósn, frétt…, or by adding a prep., b. fram, frá, upp, fyrir; b. kveðju, to bring a greeting, compliment, Eg. 127; b. erindi (sín) fyrir e-n, to plead one’s case before one, or to tell one’s errand, 472, 473; b. njósn, to apprise, Nj. 131; b. fram, to deliver (a speech), talaði jungherra Magnús hit fyrsta erindi (M. made his first speech in public), ok fanst mönnum mikit um hversu úbernsliga fram var borit, Fms. x. 53; (in mod. usage, b. fram denotes gramm. to pronounce, hence ‘framburðr,’ pronunciation); mun ek þat nú fram b., I shall now tell, produce it, Ld. 256, Eg. 37; b. frá, to attest, relate with emphasis; má þat frá b., Dropl. 21; b. upp, to produce, mention, tell, þótt slík lygi sé upp borin fyrir hann, though such a lie be told him, Eg. 59; þær (viz. charges) urðu engar upp bornar ( produced) við Rút, Nj. 11; berr Sigtryggr þegar upp erindi sín (cp. Germ. ojfenbaren), 271, Ld. 256; b. upp gátu, to give (propound) a riddle, Stj. 411, Fas. i. 464; b. fyrir, to plead as an excuse; b. saman ráð sín, or the like, to consult, Nj. 91; eyddist þat ráð, er þeir báru saman, which they had designed, Post. 656 A. ii; b. til skripta, to confess (eccl.), of auricular confession, Hom. 124, 655 xx.

II. in a metaphorical or circumlocutory sense, and without any sense of motion, to keep, hold, bear, of a title; b. nafn, to bear a name, esp. as honour or distinction; tignar nafn, haulds nafn, jarls nafn, lends manns nafn, konungs nafn, bónda nafn, Fms. i. 17, vi. 278, xi. 44, Gþl. 106: in a more metaph. sense, denoting endowments, luck, disposition, or the like, b. (ekki) gæfu, hamingju, auðnu til e-s, to enjoy (enjoy not) good or bad luck, etc.; at Þórólfr mundi eigi allsendis gæfu til b. um vináttu við Harald, Eg. 75, 112, 473, Fms. iv. 164, i. 218; úhamingju, 219; b. vit, skyn, kunnáttu á (yfir) e-t, to bring wit, knowledge, etc., to bear upon a thing, xi. 438, Band. 7; hence vel (illa) viti borinn, well (ill) endowed with wit, Eg. 51; vel hyggjandi borinn, well endowed with reason, Grág. ii; b. hug, traust, áræði, þor, til e-s, to have courage, confidence … to do a thing, Gullþ. 47, Fms. ix. 220, Band. 7; b. áhyggju, önn fyrir, to care, be concerned about, Fms. x. 318; b. ást, elsku til e-s, to bear affection, love to one; b. hatr, to hate: b. svört augu, to have dark eyes, poët., Korm. (in a verse); b. snart hjarta, Hom. 5; vant er þat af sjá hvar hvergi berr hjarta sitt, where he keeps his heart, Orkn. 474; b. gott hjarta, to bear a proud heart, Lex. Poët., etc. etc.; b. skyndi at um e-t, to make speed with a thing, Lat. festinare, Fms. viii. 57.

2. with some sense of motion, to bear off or away, carry off, gain, in such phrases as, b. sigr af e-m, af e-u, to carry off the victory from or in …; hann hafði borit sigr af tveim orrustum, er frægstar hafa verit, he had borne off the victory in two battles, Fms. xi. 186; bera banaorð af e-m, to slay one in a fight, to be the victor; Þorr berr banaorð af Miðgarðsormi, Edda 42, Fms. x. 400: it seems properly to mean, to bear off the fame of having killed a man; verðat svá rík sköp, at Regin skyli mitt banorð bera, Fm. 39; b. hærra, lægra hlut, ‘to bear off the higher or the lower lot,’ i. e. to get the best or the worst of it, or the metaphor is taken from a sortilege, Fms. ii. 268, i. 59, vi. 412; b. efra, hærra skjöld, to carry the highest shield, to get the victory, x. 394, Lex. Poët.; b. hátt (lágt) höfuðit, to bear the head high (low), i. e. to be in high or low spirits, Nj. 91; but also, b. halann bratt (lágt), to cock up or let fall the tail (metaph. from cattle), to be in an exultant or low mood: sundry phrases, as, b. bein, to rest the bones, be buried; far þú til Íslands, þar mun þér auðið verða beinin at b., Grett. 91 A; en þó hygg ek at þú munir hér b. beinin í Norðrálfunni, Orkn. 142; b. fyrir borð, to throw overboard, metaph. to oppress; verðr Þórhalli nú fyrir borð borinn, Th. was defied, set at naught, Fær. 234; b. brjóst fyrir e-m, to be the breast-shield, protection of one, Fms. vii. 263: also, b. hönd fyrir höfuð sér, metaph. to put one’s hand before one’s head, i. e. to defend oneself; b. ægishjálm yfir e-m, to keep one in awe and submission, Fm. 16, vide A. I. 2.

III. connected with prepp., b. af, and (rarely) yfir (cp. afburðr, yfirburðr), to excel, surpass; eigi sá hvárttveggja féit er af öðrum berr, who gets the best of it, Nj. 15; en þó bar Bolli af, B. surpassed all the rest, Ld. 330; þat mannval bar eigi minnr af öðrum mönnum um fríðleik, afi ok fræknleik, en Ormrinn Langi af öðrum skipum, Fms. ii. 252; at hinn útlendi skal yfir b. ( outdo) þann sem Enskir kalla meistara, xi. 431: b. til, to apply, try if it fits; en er þeir báru til (viz. shoes to the hoof of a horse), þá var sem hæfði hestinum, ix. 55; bera til hvern lykil at öðrum at portinu, Thom. 141; b. e-t við, to try it on (hence viðburðr, experiment, effort): b. um, to wind round, as a cable round a pole or the like, Nj. 115; þá bar hann þá festi um sik, made it fast round his body, Fms. ix. 219; ‘b. e-t undir e-n’ is to consult one, ellipt., b. undir dóm e-s; ‘b. e-t fyrir’ is to feign, use as excuse: b. á, í, to smear, anoint; b. vatn í augu sér, Rb. 354; b. tjöru í höfuð sér, Nj. 181, Hom. 70, 73, cp. áburðr; b. gull, silfr, á, to ornament with gold or silver, Ld. 114, Finnb. 258: is now also used = to dung, b. á völl; b. vápn á e-n, to attack one with sharp weapons, Eg. 583, Fms. xi. 334: b. eld at, to set fire to, Nj. 122; b. fjötur (bönd) at e-m, to put fetters (bonds) on one, Fms. x. 172, Hm. 150: metaph. reflex., bönd berask at e-m, a law term, the evidence bears against one; b. af sér, to parry off; Gyrðr berr af sér lagit, G. parries the thrust off, Fms. x. 421; cp. A. II. 3. β.

IV. reflex., berask mikit á (cp. áburðr), to bear oneself proudly, or b. lítið á, to bear oneself humbly; hann var hinn kátasti ok barst á mikit, Fms. ii. 68, viii. 219, Eb. 258; b. lítið á, Clem. 35; láta af berask, to die; Óttarr vill skipa til um fjárfar sitt áðr hann láti af b., Fms. ii. 12: berask fyrir, to abide in a place as an asylum, seek shelter; hér munu vit láta fyrir b., Fas. iii. 471; berask e-t fyrir, to design a thing, be busy about, barsk hann þat fyrir at sjá aldregi konur, Greg. 53; at njósna um hvat hann bærist fyrir, to inquire into what he was about, Fms. iv. 184, Vígl. 19.

β. recipr. in the phrase, berask banaspjót eptir, to seek for one another’s life, Glúm. 354: b. vápn á, of a mutual attack with sharp weapons, Fms. viii. 53.

γ. pass., sár berask á e-n, of one in the heat of battle beginning to get wounds and give way, Nj.:—berask við, to be prevented, not to do; ok nú lét Almáttugr Guð við berast kirkjubrunnann, stopped, prevented the burning of the church, Fms. v. 144; en mér þætti gott ef við bærist, svá at hón kæmi eigi til þín, vi. 210, vii. 219; ok var þá búit at hann mundi þegar láta hamarinn skjanna honum, en hann lét þat við berask, he bethought himself and did not, Edda 35; því at mönnum þótti sem þannig mundi helzt úhæfa við berask, that mischief would thus be best prevented, Sturl. ii. 6, iii. 80.

C. IMPERS.:—with a sort of passive sense, both in a loc. and temp. sense, and gener. denotes an involuntary, passive motion, happening suddenly or by chance:

I. with acc. it bears or carries one to a place, i. e. one happens to come; the proverb, alla (acc.) berr at sama brunni, all come to the same well (end), Lat. omnes una manet nox; bar hann þá ofan gegnt Özuri, he happened to come in his course just opposite to Ö., Lat. delatus est, Dropl. 25: esp. of ships or sailors; nú berr svá til ( happens) herra, at vér komum eigi fram ferðinni, berr oss (acc.) til Íslands eðr annara landa, it bore us to I., i. e. if we drive or drift thither, Fms. iv. 176; þá (acc. pl.) bar suðr í haf, they drifted southwards, Nj. 124.

β. as a cricketing term, in the phrase, berr (bar) út knöttinn, the ball rolls out, Gísl. 26, cp. p. 110 where it is transit.; berr Gísli ok út knöttinn, vide Vígl. ch. 11, Grett. ch. 17, Vd. ch. 37, Hallfr. S. ch. 2.

γ. Skarpheðin (acc.) bar nú at þeim, Sk. came suddenly upon them, Nj. 144; bar at Hróaldi þegar allan skjöldinn, the shield was dashed against H.’s body, 198; ok skyldu sæta honum, ef hann (acc.) bæri þar at, if he should per chance come, shew himself there, Orkn. 406; e-n berr yfir, it bears one, i. e. one is borne onwards, as a bird flying, a man riding; þóttist vita, at hann (acc.) mundi fljótara yfir bera ef hann riði en gengi, that he would get on more fleetly riding than walking, Hrafn. 7; hann (acc.) bar skjótt yfir, he passed quickly, of a flying meteor, Nj. 194; e-n berr undan, escapes.

2. also with acc. followed by prepp. við, saman, jafnframt, hjá, of bodies coinciding or covering one another: loc., er jafnframt ber jaðrana tungls ok sólar, if the orb of the moon and sun cover each other, Rb. 34; þat kann vera stundum, at tunglit (acc.) berr jafht á millum vár ok sólar (i. e. in a moon eclipse), 108; ber nokkut jaðar (acc.) þess hjá sólar jaðri, 34; Gunnarr sér at rauðan kyrtil (acc.) bar við glugginn, G. sees that a red kirtle passed before the window, Nj. 114; bar fyrir utan þat skip vápnaburð (acc.) heiðingja (gen. pl.), the missiles of the heathens passed over the ship without hurting them, flew too high, Fms. vii. 232; hvergi bar skugga (acc.) á, nowhere a shadow, all bright, Nj. 118; þangat sem helzt mátti nokkut yfir þá skugga bera af skóginum, where they were shadowed (hidden) by the trees, Fms. x. 239; e-t berr fram (hátt), a body is prominent, Lat. eminet; Ólafr konungr stóð í lyptingunni, bar hann (acc.) hátt mjök, king O. stood out conspicuously, ii. 308; b. yfir, þótti mjök bera hljóð (acc.) þar yfir er Ólafr sat, the sound was heard over there where O. sat, Sturl. i. 21; b. á milli, something comes between; leiti (acc.) bar á milli, a hill hid the prospect, Nj. 263: metaph., e-m berr e-t á milli, they come to dissent, 13, v. 1.; b. fyrir augu (hence fyrirburðr, vision), of a vision or the like; mart (acc.) berr nú fyrir augu mér, ek sé …, many things come now before my eyes, 104; hann mundi allt þat er fyrir hann hafði borit, i. e. all the dream, 195; eina nótt berr fyrir hann í svefni mikla sýn, Fms. i. 137, Rd. 290; veiði (acc.) berr í hendr e-m (a metaphor from hunting), sport falls to one’s lot; hér bæri veiði í hendr nú, here would be a game, Nj. 252; e-t berr undan (a metaphor from fishing, hunting term), when one misses one’s opportunity; vel væri þá … at þá veiði (acc.) bæri eigi undan, that this game should not go amiss, 69; en ef þetta (acc.) berr undan, if this breaks down, 63; hon bað hann þá drepa einhvern manna hans, heldr en allt (acc.) bæri undan, rather than that all should go amiss, Eg. 258: absol., þyki mér illa, ef undan berr, if I miss it, Nj. 155; viljum vér ekki at undan beri at…, we will by no means miss it…, Fms. viii. 309, v. 1. The passage Bs. i. 416 (en fjárhlutr sá er átt hafði Ari, bar undan Guðmundi) is hardly correct, fjárhlut þann would run better, cp. bera undir, as a law term, below.

II. adding prepp.; b. við, at, til, at hendi, at móti, til handa …, to befall, happen, Lat. accidere, occurrere, with dat. of the person, (v. atburðr, viðburðr, tilburðr); engi hlut skyldi þann at b., no such thing should happen as…, Fms. xi. 76; svá bar at einn vetr, it befell, x. 201; þat hefir nú víst at hendi borit, er…, Nj. 174; þó þetta vandræði (acc.) hafi nú borit oss (dat.) at hendi, Eg. 7; b. til handa, id., Sks. 327; bar honum svá til, so it befell him, Fms. xi. 425; at honum bæri engan váðaligan hlut til á veginum, that nothing dangerous should befall him on the way, Stj. 212; bæri þat þá svá við, at hann ryfi, it then perchance might happen, that …, 102; þat bar við at Högni kom, 169, 172, 82; raun (acc.) berr á, it is proved by the fact, event, Fms. ix. 474, x. 185.

2. temp., e-t berr á, it happens to fall on …; ef þing (acc.) ber á hina helgu viku, if the parliament falls on the holy week (Whitsun), Grág. i. 106; ef Crucis messu (acc.) berr á Drottins dag, Rb. 44; berr hana (viz. Petrs messu, June 29) aldrei svá optarr á öldinni, 78; þat er nú berr oss næst, what has occurred of late, Sturl. iii. 182: b. í móti, to happen exactly at a time; þetta (acc.) bar í móti at þenna sama dag andaðist Brandr biskup, Bs. i. 468; b. saman, id.; bar þat saman, at pá var Gunnarr at segja brennusöguna, just when G. was about telling the story, Nj. 269.

3. metaph. of agreement or separation; en þat (acc.) þykir mjök saman b. ok þessi frásögn, Fms. x. 276: with dat., bar öllum sögum vel saman, all the records agreed well together, Nj. 100, v. l.; berr nú enn í sundr með þeim, Bjarna ok Þorkatli at sinni, B. and Th. missed each other, Vápn. 25.

4. denoting cause; e-t (acc.) berr til …, causes a thing; ætluðu þat þá allir, at þat mundi til bera, that that was the reason, Nj. 75; at þat beri til skilnaðar okkars, that this will make us to part (divorce), 261; konungr spurði, hvat til bæri úgleði hans, what was the cause of his grief? Fms. vi. 355; þat berr til tunglhlaups, Rb. 32.

β. meiri ván at brátt beri þat (acc.) til bóta, at herviliga steypi hans ríki, i. e. there will soon come help (revenge), Fms. x. 264; fjórir eru þeir hlutir er menn (acc.) berr í ætt á landi hér, there are four cases under which people may be adopted, Grág. i. 361.

γ. e-t berr undir e-n, falls to a person’s lot; hon á arf at taka þegar er undir hana berr, in her turn, 179; mikla erfð (acc.) bar undir hana, Mar. (Fr.); berr yfir, of surpassing, Bs. ii. 121, 158; b. frá, id. (fráburðr); herðimikill svá at þat (acc.) bar frá því sem aðrir menn, Eg. 305; er sagt, at þat bæri frá hve vel þeir mæltu, it was extraordinary how well they did speak, Jb. 11; bar þat mest frá hversu illa hann var limaðr, but above all, how…, Ó. H. 74.

5. with adverbial nouns in a dat. form; e-t berr bráðum, happens of a sudden; berr þetta (acc.) nú allbráðum, Fms. xi. 139; cp. vera bráðum borinn, to be taken by surprise (above); berr stórum, stærrum, it matters a great deal; ætla ek stærrum b. hin lagabrotin (acc.), they are much more important, matter more, vii. 305; var þat góðr kostr, svá at stórum bar, xi. 50; hefir oss orðit svá mikil vanhyggja, at stóru berr, an enormous blunder, Gísl. 51; svá langa leið, at stóru bar, Fas. i. 116; þat berr stórum, hversu mér þóknast vel þeirra athæfi, it amounts to a great deal, my liking their service, i. e. I do greatly like, Fms. ii. 37; eigi berr þat allsmám hversu vel mér líkar, in no small degree do I like, x. 296.

β. with dat., it is fitting, becoming; svá mikit sem landeiganda (dat.) berr til at hafa eptir lögum, what he is legally entitled to, Dipl. iii. 10; berr til handa, it falls to one’s lot, v. above, Grág. i. 93.

III. answering to Lat. oportet, absolutely or with an adverb, vel, illa, with infinit.; e-m berr, it beseems, becomes one; berr þat ekki né stendr þvílíkum höfuðfeðr, at falsa, Stj. 132; berr yðr (dat.) vel, herra, at sjá sannindi á þessu máli, Fms. ix. 326; sagði, at þat bar eigi Kristnum mönnum, at særa Guð, x. 22; þá siðu at mér beri vel, Sks. 353 B: used absol., berr vel, illa, it is beseeming, proper, fit, unbeseeming, unfit, improper; athæfi þat er vel beri fyrir konungs augliti, 282; þat þykir ok eigi illa bera, at maðr hafi svart skinn til hosna, i. e. it suits pretty well, 301: in case of a pers. pron. in acc. or dat. being added, the sentence becomes personal in order to avoid doubling the impers. sentence, e. g. e-m berr skylda (not skyldu) til, one is bound by duty; veit ek eigi hver skylda (nom.) yðr (acc.) ber til þess at láta jarl einn ráða, Fms. i. 52: also leaving the dat. out, skylda berr til at vera forsjámaðr með honum, vii. 280; eigi berr hér til úviska mín, it is not that I am not knowing, Nj. 135.

IV. when the reflex. inflexion is added to the verb, the noun loses its impers. character and is turned from acc. into nom., e. g. þar (þat?) mun hugrinn minn mest hafa fyrir borizt, this is what I suspected, fancied, Lv. 34; cp. hugarburðr, fancy, and e-t berr fyrir e-n (above, C. I. 2); hefir þetta (nom.) vel í móti borizt, a happy coincidence, Nj. 104; ef svá harðliga kann til at berask, if the misfortunes do happen, Gþl. 55; barsk sú úhamingja (nom.) til á Íslandi, that mischief happened (no doubt the passage is thus to be emended), Bs. i. 78, but bar þá úhamingju …; þat (nom.) barsk at, happened, Fms. x. 253; fundir várir (nom.) hafa at borizt nokkurum sinnum, vii. 256; þat barsk at á einhverju sumri, Eg. 154; bærist at um síðir at allr þingheimrinn berðist, 765, cp. berast við, berask fyrir above (B. V.): berast, absol., means to be shaken, knocked about; var þess ván, at fylkingar mundu berast í hergöngunni, that they would be brought into some confusion, Fms. v. 74; Hrólfr gékk at ramliga, ok barst Atli (was shaken, gave away) fyrir orku sakir, þar til er hann féll. Fas. iii. 253; barst Jökull allr fyrir orku sakir (of two wrestling), Ísl. ii. 467, Fms. iii. 189: vide B. IV.

D. In mod. usage the strong bera—bar is also used in impersonal phrases, denoting to let a thing be seen, shew, but almost always with a negative preceding, e. g. ekki bar (ber) á því, it could ( can) not be seen; að á engu bæri, láta ekki á bera ( to keep tight), etc. All these phrases are no doubt alterations from the weak verb bera, að, nudare, and never occur in old writers; we have not met with any instance previous to the Reformation; the use is certainly of late date, and affords a rare instance of weak verbs turning into strong; the reverse is more freq. the case.

saint, sainte [sɛ̃, sɛ̃t]

1. adjective

   a. ( = sacré) holy

• la semaine sainte Holy Week

• le vendredi saint Good Friday

• toute la sainte journée (inf) the whole blessed day (inf)

• avoir une sainte horreur de qch to have a holy horror of sth (inf)

   b. (devant prénom) Saint

• saint Pierre (apôtre) Saint Peter

• Saint-Pierre (église) Saint Peter's

   c. [action, pensée, personne, vie] saintly

2. masculine noun, feminine noun

• se faire passer pour un saint to appear to be perfect

• il vaut mieux s'adresser au bon Dieu qu'à ses saints it's better to go straight to the top

3. compounds

► sainte nitouche goody two-shoes

• c'est une sainte nitouche she's a real goody two-shoes ► la Sainte Vierge the Blessed Virgin

* * *

sainte sɛ̃, sɛ̃t adjectif

1) ( sacré) holy

2) ( canonisé)

3) ( vertueux) good, godly

nom masculin, féminin saint

- sainte nitouche

- la Sainte Vierge

* * *

1. adj

1) (homme, lieu) holy

2) fig (= pieux) saintly

2. nm/f

* * *

saint, sainte

A adj

1 ( sacré) holy; image sainte holy image; les saints Apôtres the holy apostles; saintes huiles holy oils; la sainte Bible the Holy Bible; semaine sainte Holy Week; vendredi saint Good Friday; jeudi saint Maundy Thursday;

2 ( canonisé) saint Paul/Ignace de Loyola/Thomas d'Aquin Saint Paul/Ignatius Loyola/Thomas Aquinas;

3 ( vertueux) good, godly;

4 ○( pour insister) toute la sainte journée the whole blessed○ day; j'ai une sainte horreur de qch I can't stand sth.

B nm,f saint; ce n'est pas une sainte, il lui arrive de se mettre en colère! she's no saint, she sometimes gets cross; se prendre pour un saint/une sainte to think one is perfect; elle croit que son fils est un (petit) saint she thinks her son is perfect, in her eyes her son can do no wrong; ⇒ prêcher, vouer.

le saint des saints lit, fig the Holy of Holies; les saints de glace the 11th, 12th and 13th May; les saints Innocents the Holy Innocents; le saint suaire the Holy Shroud; la sainte Église catholique the Holy Catholic Church; la sainte famille the Holy family; sainte nitouche pej goody-goody○ péj; ne fais pas ta sainte nitouche don't be such a goody-goody○; je ne supporte pas ses airs de sainte nitouche! I can't stand it when she's doing her goody-goody○ act!; sainte table communion rail; la Sainte Vierge the Virgin Mary; les saintes Écritures the Holy Scriptures.

jurer par tous les saints (du Paradis) to swear by all the saints.

( féminin sainte) [sɛ̃, sɛ̃t] adjectif

1. (après le nom) [sacré - lieu, livre, image, guerre] holy

2. [canonisé] Saint

3. (avant le nom) [exemplaire] holy

4. [en intensif]

j'ai une sainte horreur des araignées I have a real horror of spiders

————————

, sainte [sɛ̃, sɛ̃t] nom masculin, nom féminin

1. RELIGION saint

2. ART (statue or effigy of a) saint

3. (figuré) saint

————————

nom masculin

a. RELIGION the Holy of Holies

b. (figuré) the inner sanctum

————————

Saint ( féminin Sainte) adjectif

1. RELIGION

2. (avec trait d'union) [dans des noms de lieux, de fêtes]

1 to keep.

guarda el vestido en el armario she keeps the dress in the wardrobe

¡guarda los juguetes! put your toys away!

guardo muy buenos recuerdos de mi infancia I have very good memories of my childhood

Manolo guarda las fotos Manolo keeps the pictures.

La beata guarda el día santo The pious woman keeps the holy day.

2 to save.

guarda un poco de pastel para tu hermano leave o save a bit of cake for your brother

3 to keep watch over.

4 to observe (observar) (ley, norma, fiesta).

guardar cama to stay in bed

guardar silencio to keep quiet

guardar las apariencias to keep up appearances

5 to save (computing).

6 to put away, to store, to tuck away.

Ricardo guardó los juguetes Richard put away the toys.

7 to shut in.

Ricardo guardó el licor Richard shut the liquor in.

8 to guard, to watch over.

La policía guarda el edificio The police guards the building.

* * *

► verbo transitivo

1 (cuidar) to keep, watch over, keep an eye on

■ el pastor guarda su rebaño the shepherd watches over his flock

2 (conservar) to keep, hold

■ guardo muy buenos recuerdos de la infancia I have very fond memories of my childhood

■ guardo pocas esperanzas de que vuelva I hold out little hope that he will return

3 (la ley) to observe, obey; (un secreto) to keep

4 (poner en un sitio) to put away

■ guárdate el dinero put your money away

■ guárdatelo en el bolsillo put it in your pocket

5 (reservar) to save, keep

■ le guardaron el mejor sitio they saved the best seat for him

6 (proteger) to protect, save

■ ¡Dios salve al rey! God save the King!

7 INFORMÁTICA to save

8 guardarse de (precaverse, evitar) to guard against, avoid, be careful not to

■ te guardarás muy bien de revelar nuestro secreto be very careful not to reveal our secret

\

guardar cola to queue up, US wait in line

guardar conexión con to be connected with

guardar la derecha to keep to the right

guardar las formas to be polite

guardar parecido con to be similar to

guardar relación con to be related to

guardar rencor to harbour resentment (a, against)

guardársela a alguien figurado to have it in for somebody

* * *

1) to guard

2) keep

3) preserve

4) maintain

5) observe

•

- guardarse de

* * *

1. VT

1) [+ objetos]

a) (=meter) [en un lugar] to put; [en su sitio] to put away

b) (=conservar) to keep

c) (=reservar) to save

d) (Inform) [+ archivo] to save

2) (=mantener) [+ promesa, secreto] to keep; [+ recuerdo] to have

3) (=tener) [+ relación] to bear; [+ semejanza] to have

4) (=sentir) [+ rencor] to bear, have; [+ respeto] to have, show

5) (=cumplir) [+ ley] to observe

6) (=cuidar) to guard

guardarse

* * *

verbo transitivo

1) ( reservar) to save

2)

a) ( poner en un lugar) <juguetes/libros> to put... away

b) (conservar, mantener en un lugar) to keep

3) (liter) (defender, proteger)

4) < secreto> to keep

5)

a) (mostrar, manifestar)

b) <leyes/fiestas> to observe

guardarse v pron

1) ( quedarse con) to keep

2) ( reservar) to save, keep

3) ( poner en un lugar)

4) ( cuidarse)

* * *

= file, house, keep, save, store, store away, guard (against), pack up, lodge, stand + guard over, squirrel away, put away, stow, stash, have in + store, pack, stash away, cache.

Ex. File boxes can be used and filed on shelves, if appropriate, interfiled with the books.

Ex. The shared systems are run on an IBM 4341 computer housed at BLCMP.

Ex. Guard book or scrapbook type arrangement, with possibly a loose-leaf format, is suitable for organising and keeping cuttings, letters and other small items.

Ex. Whenever this code is entered, the system saves the document or list of documents being displayed and displays a summary of the documents saved up to that point.

Ex. The records in a computer data base are structured in order to suit the information that is being stored for various applications.

Ex. This chain will not be processed, but will be stored away for later use.

Ex. The article 'Sealing criminal history records: shall we let the fox guard the henhouse in the name of privacy?' has once again raised the debate on the consequences of allowing press and public to view such data.

Ex. Unless the distance was short, the books travelled in sheets, unbound, packed up in chests or barrels.

Ex. The actual report has been lodged at the British Library but has not been published.

Ex. Librarians are doomed if they are seen by their patrons as standing guard over information and seemingly barring access to it.

Ex. The more which can be digitized, and the more rapidly, the more which then can be squirreled away into atmospherically-controlled & inexpensive archives.

Ex. She took all photos, sorted them out, stuffed them into boxes, and put them away in storage.

Ex. It is a matter of basic safety for everyone on board, before casting off in the morning for that next heavenly anchorage, to see that everything be properly stowed and secured.

Ex. When I went to the little boys/girls room to relieve myself I was suprised to see the amount of loo rolls stashed in the corner.

Ex. The killing was committed in the traditional and extremely gruesome way Islam has in store for women accused of adultery: she was stoned to death.

Ex. After various selection processes, the books are sorted into broad general categories and packed into consignments of up to 5,000 books.

Ex. Almost everybody we know had their treasures or some of their personal items stashed away in an old cigar box.

Ex. Previous studies in which squirrels were provisioned with an abundant supply of food found a reduction in the rate of caching.

----

* ¡el Cielo nos guarde! = heaven forbid.

* acción de guardar documentos = save.

* ¡el Cielo nos guarde! = God forbid.

* fiesta de guardar = holiday of obligation.

* guardar Algo para otra vez = save for + a rainy day.

* guardar bajo llave = keep under + lock and key.

* guardar celosamente = guard + zealously.

* guardar como un tesoro = treasure.

* guardar con mucho cariño = treasure.

* guardar correspondencia = bear + correspondence (to).

* guardar en reserva = keep in + reserve, hold in + reserve.

* guardar en secreto = keep + confidential, keep + Nombre + under wraps.

* guardar la compostura = keep + a stiff upper lip.

* guardar las apariencias = preserve + appearance, keep up + appearances.

* guardar las formas = keep up + appearances.

* guardar los resultados de una búsqueda en un fichero = store + search results + in disc file.

* guardar muchas esperanzas = get + Posesivo + hopes up.

* guardar paralelismo = have + parallel.

* guardar relación con = bear + relation to, stand in + relation to, stand in + relationship to, bear + relationship to, be commensurate with.

* guardar rencor = bear + a grudge, harbour + resentment, carry + a chip on + Posesivo + shoulder.

* guardar rencor (hacia) = bear + ill will (toward).

* guardar resentimiento = carry + a chip on + Posesivo + shoulder.

* guardarse = keep for + Reflexivo, be on guard (against).

* guardarse Algo para Uno Mismo = keep + Nombre + to + Reflexivo.

* guardarse de = beware (of/that), be shy of + Gerundio.

* guardárselas a Alguien = hold + it against.

* guardar silencio = keep + silent, keep + silence.

* guardar sorpresas = hold + surprises.

* guardar una búsqueda en disco = save + Posesivo + search + to disc.

* guardar una relación directamente proporcional = vary + proportionately.

* guardar una relación inversamente proporcional = vary + inversely.

* guardar un secreto = keep + a secret.

* hacer guardar silencio = shush.

* no guardar relación con = be incommensurate with.

* porche para guardar el coche = car port.

* que guarde relación con = in keeping with.

* quien guarda, halla = waste not, want not.

* sin guardar una correlación = uncorrelated.

* volver a guardar = rehouse [re-house].

* * *

verbo transitivo

1) ( reservar) to save

2)

a) ( poner en un lugar) <juguetes/libros> to put... away

b) (conservar, mantener en un lugar) to keep

3) (liter) (defender, proteger)

4) < secreto> to keep

5)

a) (mostrar, manifestar)

b) <leyes/fiestas> to observe

guardarse v pron

1) ( quedarse con) to keep

2) ( reservar) to save, keep

3) ( poner en un lugar)

4) ( cuidarse)

* * *

* * *

guardar [A1 ]

(reservar): guárdale un pedazo de pastel save him a piece of cake

guarda esa botella para Nochevieja keep o save that bottle for New Year's Eve, put that bottle aside for New Year's Eve

guárdame un sitio save me a seat, keep me a place

si pido la excedencia, no me guardan el puesto if I ask for leave of absence, they won't keep o hold my job open for me

1 (poner en un lugar) to put … away

guarda los juguetes put your toys away

los guardé en un sitio seguro I put them (away) in a safe place

ya he guardado toda la ropa de invierno I've already put away all my winter clothes

guarda todos los recibos she keeps o ( colloq) hangs on to all her receipts

2 (conservar, mantener en un lugar) to keep

guardo los huevos en la nevera I keep the eggs in the fridge

lo tuvo guardado durante años she kept it for years

los tengo guardados en el desván I've got them stored away o I've got them in the attic

siempre guarda las medicinas bajo llave she always keeps the medicines locked away o under lock and key

los tesoros que guarda el mar ( liter); the treasures which lie hidden beneath the waves ( liter)

C ( liter)

(defender, proteger): la muralla que guarda el castillo the walls which defend o protect the castle

los perros guardaban la entrada a la mansión the dogs were guarding the entrance to the mansion

Dios guarde al rey ( fr hecha); God save the King

Dios guarde a Vd muchos años ( frml); ≈ yours respectfully ( frml), may God preserve you ( arch)

D ‹secreto› to keep

no le guardo ningún rencor I don't bear a grudge against o feel any resentment toward(s) him

guardo muy buenos recuerdos de aquel viaje I have very good memories of that trip

¡ésta se la guardo! ( fam); I'll remember this!, I won't forget this!

(mostrar, manifestar): le guardaron el debido respeto he was treated with due respect

hay que guardar la debida compostura en la Iglesia you must show proper respect when in church

guardar las apariencias to keep up appearances

2 ‹leyes/fiestas› to observe fiesta

A (quedarse con) to keep

guárdate tus consejos keep your advice to yourself

B ( enf) (reservar) to save, keep

(poner en un lugar): se guardó el cheque en el bolsillo he put the check (away) in his pocket

guárdatelo bien put it somewhere safe o look after it carefully

D (cuidarse) guardarse DE + INF to be careful not to + INF

se guardó mucho de mostrarles el documento she was very careful not to show them the document

ya te guardarás de contar lo que pasó you'd better not tell anyone o you'd better make sure you don't tell anyone what happened

* * *

◊ guarda algo para después save o keep sth for later

a) ( poner en un lugar) ‹juguetes/libros› to put … away;

◊ ya guardé toda la ropa de invierno I've already put away all my winter clothes

b) (conservar, mantener) to keep;

◊ lo guardó durante años she kept it for years;

c) ‹ secreto› to keep;

◊ guardo muy buenos recuerdos de él I have very good memories of him

a) ( quedarse con) to keep

b) ( reservar) to save, keep

◊ se guardó el cheque en el bolsillo he put the check (away) in his pocket

* * *

♦ vt

1. [conservar] to keep;

guarda el vestido en el armario she keeps the dress in the wardrobe;

esta caja guarda documentos muy antiguos this box contains some very old documents;

guardo muy buenos recuerdos de mi infancia I have very good memories of my childhood

2. [poner en su sitio] to put away;

¡guarda los juguetes! put your toys away!

3. [vigilar] to keep watch over;

guarda un rebaño de ovejas he tends a flock of sheep;

el perro guarda la casa the dog guards the house;

guarda a tu hijo del peligro keep your child away from danger;

¡Dios guarde al rey! God save the King!

4. [mantener] [secreto, promesa] to keep;

guardó su palabra she kept her word;

guardar cama to stay in bed;

guardar silencio to keep quiet;

guardar las apariencias to keep up appearances;

guardar las distancias to keep one's distance

5. [reservar, ahorrar] to save (a o para alguien for sb);

guarda un poco de pastel para tu hermano leave o save a bit of cake for your brother;

he guardado parte de la paga para las vacaciones I've put by o saved part of my wages for my Br holidays o US vacation;

el carnicero siempre me guarda la mejor carne the butcher always saves o keeps the best meat for me

6. [observar] [ley, norma, fiesta] to observe

7. Informát to save;

guardar cambios to save changes

♦ See also the pronominal verb guardarse

* * *

1 keep;

guardar silencio remain silent, keep silent

2 poner en un lugar put (away)

3 recuerdo have

4 apariencias keep up

5 INFOR save

guardar cama stay in bed

* * *

guardar vt

1) : to guard

2) : to maintain, to preserve

3) conservar: to put away

4) reservar: to save

5) : to keep (a secret or promise)

♦ See also the reflexive verb guardarse

* * *

guardar vb

1. (en general) to keep [pt. & pp. kept]

2. (recoger) to put away [pt. & pp. put]

3. (meter) to put

4. (reservar) to save / to keep

5. (vigilar y proteger) to guard

guardar rencor a alguien to bear somebody a grudge [pt. bore; pp. borne]

1) General subject: Easter, (перед именем собственным) St, a man of God, godly, heavenly minded, (в сложных словах с греч. корнями) hier-, (в сложных словах с греч. корнями) hiero-, holy, (часто Holy) holy mackerel!, sacred, saint, sainted, saintlike, saintly, solemn, spiritual, zaddik, sacrosanct

2) Naval: saint (в геогр. названиях)

3) Obsolete: hallow

4) Religion: CB., Divine, Sadh-sangat, Sanctus ("saint", сокр. S.), Sangat, blessed, consecrated, elect, hollen, holy (Exalted or worthy of complete devotion as one perfect in goodness and righteousness), holy one, ineffable, ineffable (об имени и т.п.), man of God, sacral (Holy, sacred), saint (A person officially recognized by the Roman Catholic Church and/or other Christian churches as being entitled to public veneration and as being capable of interceding for men on earth; one who has been canonized), sant, st., st., swami

5) Cartography: San (в географических названиях), saint (в географических названиях), sainte (в географических названиях)

6) Sublime: heavenly-minded

7) Makarov: holy man

8) Christianity: holy (прил.)

1 writing.

2 script (sistema de signos).

escritura hebrea Hebrew script

3 deed, indenture.

4 handwriting, script.

3^rd person singular (él/ella/ello) present indicative of spanish verb: escriturar.

2^nd person singular (tú) Imperative of Spanish verb: escriturar.

* * *

► nombre femenino

1 (gen) writing

■ escritura fonética phonetic script

2 (caligrafía) handwriting, writing

3 DERECHO deed, document